|
Press Release
|
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NATIONAL
ASSOCIATION OF SEADOGS (NAS) CONDEMNS RIBADU`S
DISMISSAL |
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AGAIN
,EX-SENATE PRESIDENT NNAMAMI TACKLES NIGERIA`S INEC BOSS
,MAURICE
IWU
|
|
CNN MULTICHOICE AFRICAN JOURNALIST AWARDS 2009 |
|
United Nations Worried Over Nigeria's
Donation To Myanmar |
|
NAS International in Ireland
Donates Duvets to the Homeless |
|
OBASANJO ABANDONS HIS FOOT
SOLDIERS |
|
Fake
Priest in EFCC net |
|
NIGERIA`S
ALLEGED SUSPENSION FROM THE EGMONT GROUP: EFCC
CLEARS THE AIR |
|
EFCC Arraigns ICAN Boss
Over N7m Fraud |
|
EFCC
Arraigns Four Over N10million Fake Currency
|
|
EFCC ARRAIGNS LG
CHAIRMAN, FOUR OTHERS OVER
N114.5M FRAUD |
|
Impersonation:
EFCC Nabs Fraudster |
|
Yuguda to marry Yar’adua’s daughter
January 24 |
|
EFCC DECLARES EL-RUFAI
WANTED
|
|
Gani Rejects
National Honour |
|
DUMP SAM EGWU NOW! CISLAC TELLS SENATORS |
|
National Standard’s Outstanding
Persons of the Year |
|
Turai
Yar’Adua: Aso Rock’s most influential power broker |
|
Nigeria: Arbitrary Killings by Security Forces in
Jos |
|
NYAKO`S HOUSE OF
DISHARMONY |
|
PEOPLE ARE BEING UNFAIR
TO BELLO TUKUR |
|
HARUNA’S
APOLOGIA |
|
ADAMU`S RUSTIC AMNESIA |
|
VICTORY FOR YAR`ADUA:HOW
SULTAN OF SOKOTO AND EMIR OF KATSINA BROKERED A DEAL |
|
YAR`ADUA SACKS YAR`ADUA |
|
NATIONAL
ASSOCIATION OF SEADOGS (NAS) CONDEMNS RIBADU`S
DISMISSAL
The National
Association of Seadogs (NAS) condemns the
dismissal of the former chairman of the Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Mr. Nuhu Ribadu from
the Police force as unconstitutional and a flagrant
abuse of the judicial process.
We are all witnesses
to the uncanny ways the government has gone about
scripting what is now well known as the Ribadu Saga.
First, the Attorney-General did all he could to
frustrate the prosecution of alleged corrupt politicians
by EFCC under Ribadu. Curiously, Mr. Andooaka, the
nation’s Chief Law Officer, later became the
defender-in-chief or spokesperson or both to these
politicians of alleged tainted profile. Subsequently,
when Ribadu was forced on a “refresher” course at the
National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies
(NIPSS) Kuru, Plateau State, it was obvious to all right
thinking persons that the death knell had been
pronounced on the war against corruption. But the
Inspector General of the Nigeria Police, Mr. Mike Okiro
falsely explained it away as a routine exercise designed
to improve the lot of Mr. Ribadu and the Police.
Okiro, however,
failed to provide a justifiable reason why a police
officer, on leave of absence and on a political
appointment with the Federal Government as chairman of
EFCC, should be recalled and posted arbitrarily without
recourse to the President, whose office by virtue of
section 3, sub-section 2 of the EFCC Act (2004), is
vested with the sole power to remove the EFCC chairman,
and indeed any other member of the Commission, from
office.
Thereafter, things
were propelled into more frenzy and bizarre sub-plots. A
few months after his questionable posting, Nuhu Ribadu
was demoted from the rank of Assistant Inspector General
(AIG) of Police to Deputy Commissioner (DC) of Police on
the grounds that his special promotion by the erstwhile
President, Olusegun Obasanjo, was a breach of section
153 of the Police Service Commission Act of 2001.
Mallam Ribadu then went to court to challenge his
demotion, a move which the Nigeria Police Force,
championed by the Inspector General (IG) of Police, Mike
Okiro, did not take lightly.
The Police have
continued to maintain that Ribadu, being a serving
member of the force, does not have the right under
sections 352 and 357 of the Police Act (2004) to take
legal action against the police without seeking
permission first from the IG.
It may be
interesting to note that one of the two fallouts of
Ribadu’s supposed infraction was the high drama on
Saturday, November 22 at the NIPSS graduation ceremony,
where Ribadu and his family were forcefully evicted from
the graduation hall, and he was arrested and later
released. The other fallout, the Force Disciplinary
Committee (FDC), set up by Mr Okiro to determine and
recommend the punitive measures to be taken against
Ribadu had already concluded its sitting and submitted
its recommendations to the IG who then awaited the
approval of the Police Service Commission. And going by
the leaks, it did not require any clairvoyant skills to
predict that Ribadu’s days in the police were numbered.
His dismissal therefore became the dénouement of the
Ribadu Saga.
However, it must be
pointed out that the saga of Nuhu Ribadu is a
manifestation of a rotten system, bereft of sound policy
grounding, that allows for procedural abuses as that of
the former President Olusegun Obasanjo to by-pass
constitutional provision of the Police Service
Commission with the statutory duty, among others, to
promote members of the Nigeria Police Force, to give
Ribadu accelerated and special promotion. It should also
be pointed out that the PSC was not yet constituted when
the President made the promotion.
Undoubtedly,
Ribadu had his limitations. Some claim that the
commission under his leadership was selective in its war
against economic saboteurs. There have also been
several accusations that Ribadu, at certain points
during the Obasanjo Administration, was a political
instrument in the hands of the President and allegedly
the hatchet man against Obasanjo’s perceived enemies.
Moreover, he did himself
and the commission a lot of disservice by the brazen
manner he went about his business without recourse to
the law in some situations. Nigerians will not forget in
a hurry the way the EFCC under his command hounded a
handful of members of the state legislature to impeach
Governors that were not in the good books of the former
president.
The consensus
however is that the EFCC under Ribadu’s leadership did
show strong commitment in tackling endemic financial
crimes. He did an excellent job and posed a serious
threat to very powerful and dishonest cabal. Not
surprisingly, the cabal regrouped and regained power and
influence in a regime that consistently pledged to scale
up the fight against corruption. It is therefore clear
for all to see that the government’s so-called fight
against corruption is tainted and deeply flawed. The
government, thus, carries a moral burden because it is
already perceived, by majority of Nigerians, as a
willing tool in the hands of the regrouped recidivists
on a revenge mission.
NAS
agrees with all well
meaning Nigerians that the reasons proffered by the
Police Service Commission for Ribadu’s demotion lacked
merit because Ribadu’s promotion was made before the
Commission was inaugurated. As an aggrieved citizen,
Ribadu has every constitutional right to seek redress of
a perceived wrong in the court of law, and his right to
sue the police is guaranteed by section 6 of the 1999
Constitution. The constitution of the Federal Republic
of Nigeria is supreme. The cloak of the Police Act under
which both the AG and IG hide to unleash assault on the
psyche and sensibility of the citizens of Nigeria is
subordinate to the Nigerian constitution.
Interestingly, one
of the reasons the Police Service Commission has given
for the dismissal Ribadu from the Police Force was his
failure to appear before the Force Disciplinary
Committee (FDC). NAS position is that the Force
Disciplinary Committee, which the police expected Ribadu
to appear before it and make representation, is without
legal foundation because it was set up to adjudicate on
a matter that is already in court and therefore its
recommendations are null and void.
It goes
without saying that the judiciary is a key kernel of
democracy. Is it not ironic that a government that
proclaims the rule of law as its mainstay cannot be
patient and allow the courts to be the final arbiter in
the Ribadu conundrum, rather than the blind rush to
dismiss him? We are, however, optimistic that the same
judiciary that gave President Umaru Musa
Yar'Adua reprieve at
the Supreme Court on the last elections will have the
final say in the case of Nuhu Ribadu.
It important to
mention that the World Bank recently announced Ribadu as
one of the winners of the 2008 Jit Gill Memorial Award
for Outstanding Public Service in recognition of his
courageous anti-corruption drive in Nigeria, as Head of
the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission
(EFCC).
It is worthwhile to
mention that 13th International
Anti-Corruption Conference in Athens, Greece in November
2008 deeply expressed its concern over the fate of
Ribadu and the Government of Nigeria and on all
governments worldwide to ensure the protection of those
speaking out against corruption.
A United Nation
project co-ordinator on Drugs and Crime (UNODC),
Oliver Stolpe, recently linked Nigeria’s present poor
business environment to high level of corruption which
is predominately responsible for the country
ranking 121 in the Corruption Perception
Index (CPI) by Transparency International and 148th
position in the World Bank’s ‘Doing business’
report.
The government is
certainly aware that past Nigerian leaders who held
various public offices in the last four decades looted
an estimated $100 billion (about N12. 25 trillion).
Ribadu puts the amount looted or wasted at over 380
billion dollars since independence in 1960. This no
doubt is a monumental waste.
We wish to declare
that this figure, indisputably conceals a much more
devastating reality of the damage corruption has caused
us as a people. Corruption has robbed our children of
their future. It has deprived our generation of
opportunities for development in critical sectors of the
economy like Education, Healthcare, Power,
Infrastructural development, and at the same time,
enthroning core value system that form the bedrock of a
just and egalitarian society.
It has been argued
by renowned scholars globally that corruption is
intrinsically linked to underdevelopment hence we as a
people must act collectively to eradicate all traces of
corruption in our country. In this regard, it is
heartrending that despite the over a trillion Naira
received from the Federation Account by immediate past
governors of the Niger Delta, unrest, armed insurrection
(which now threatens the economy of this country) and
abject poverty are still widespread in the region. In
fact, one of the states in the region has spent over
N80billion on a dubious power project, yet vast parts of
the state including its capital is in perpetual
darkness. It is worthwhile to state that instances of
economically ineffectual projects like this abound all
over the country.
Perhaps, Ribadu is a
metaphor. It would be recalled that shortly after
the current EFCC boss, Mrs. Farida Waziri, was appointed
by this administration in May 2008, no fewer than 12
EFCC experienced top investigators were shown the way
out of the Commission. Those who were lucky were later
reassigned to the states whose governors they had
investigated. We feel this is a major setback for the
anti-corruption drive. There are lots of other Ribadus
out there who in different capacities have suffered so
much for serving the motherland faithfully. The larger implication of the
Ribadu witch-hunting is that in future, it would be
difficult for his rare courage and candour to be
replicated by the younger generation for fear of the
same fate befalling them.
For this singular
reason, human rights lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN),
has rejected the National honour of the Order of the
Federal Republic (OFR) conferred on him by the Federal
Government. His unequivocal justification for the
rejection is that he accused the government of covertly
and overtly encouraging corruption and the endless
persecution of Ribadu.
NAS calls for immediate
reinstatement of Ribadu to the Police force pending the
outcome of the matter in court. We also implore
the federal government to restrain its officials from
further humiliation, molestation and harassment of
Mallam Ribadu who at the risk of his life and that of
his family had displayed an uncommon courage to combat
the scourge of corruption in Nigeria.
Whilst wishing
Nigerians the best in the yelutide season, NAS
implores Nigerians to be watchful and jealously
guard our fledgling democracy.
EMMANUEL
BASSEY
PRESIDENT, NAS
INTERNATIONAL
December 30,
2008.

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AGAIN
,EX-SENATE PRESIDENT NNAMAMI TACKLES NIGERIA`S INEC BOSS, MAURICE IWU
Posted Tuesday Jan.13, 2009
10:41PM
Former Senate President Ken Nnamani
has further taken Maurice Iwu, the Chairman of
Independent National electoral Commission to the
cleaners.Nnamani in a statement on Tuesday described the
2007 polls as the most incompetent ,banal and criminal
election in Nigerian history.
Nnamani was apparently reacting to a statement
from INEC which reportedly accused him of turning
against Iwu after his allegedly failed attempts to
influence INEC to postpone the 2007 polls so that he
(Nnamani) could have emerged as interim PresideNt after
President Olusegun Obasanjo`s tenure expired in 2007.
The former senate president`s statement last
night in reaction to INEC`s allegation read thus: “My
attention has been drawn to a statement by Mr. Andy
Ezeani, the Chair Press Secretary to the Independent
National Electoral Commission (INEC), on behalf of
the Chairman of the Commission, Prof. Maurice
Iwu, that I criticized the Chairman of the Commission
because he (Chairman) turned down my request that the
2007 elections be postponed so that I can exploit
the constitutional crisis that will ensue from such
postponement to become ING president.
“This
statement is simply fiction. It does not stand the
scrutiny of facts and logics. It is a product of a
fevered imagination of a man who has set himself on
a course against his country. There is no
Constitutional provision for an Interim National
Government (ING).
“And a man of my modest mastery
of the Nigerian Constitution could not
be entertaining a vain wish of heading an illusory
and unconstitutional interim national government.
Unlike Professor Maurice Iwu I don’t live in
fantasyland. I don’t fight with the reality. I
respect constitutional limits.”
Nnamani who
became rather unsparing made further scathing remarks as
he said the 2007 polls were , “the most incompetent,
banal and criminal election in Nigerian history.”
He asked further questions as he sought to know
those who benefitted from the last minute contracts in
those heady days.He said Iwu`s leadership was a monster
that needed to be tackled for the nation to move
forward.
 |
|
CNN MULTICHOICE AFRICAN JOURNALIST AWARDS 2009
CNN International and
MultiChoice this week officially launched the CNN
MultiChoice African Journalist 2009 Awards. The winners
of these prestigious annual Awards will be announced at
a gala ceremony to be held in Durban , South Africa in
July 2009.
Tony Maddox, Executive Vice President
and Managing Director of CNN International, said: “The
CNN MultiChoice African Journalist Awards, now in its
fourteenth year, truly represents the very best in
journalism from across the African continent. It is an
annual privilege to pay tribute to such a wide range of
talented individuals, all of whom have unique and
compelling stories to tell, and to join in the
celebration of their abilities.”
Nolo Letele, CEO
MultiChoice South Africa, said: “A thriving, independent
and authentic media continues to play a major role in
building democracies on the African continent. We are
therefore delighted to once again partner with CNN, in
recognising and celebrating media excellence with the
CNN MultiChoice African Journalist of the Year 2009
Awards.”
Eben Greyling, President of
MultiChoice Africa, said: “We are very proud to once
again partner with CNN to recognise and encourage
excellence in journalism in Africa . These awards
recognise and celebrate the hard work, the talent, the
sacrifice and the dedication that the finest African
journalists deliver. As a company committed to the
growth of media on the continent we strongly believe in
supporting the development of African
journalists.”
Hopewell Rugoho-Chin’ono, from
Zimbabwe , was awarded the top prize at the CNN
MultiChoice African Journalist 2008 Awards ceremony.
Hopewell, founder and film director for Television
International, Zimbabwe, won for his story ‘Pain in My
Heart’, which was chosen from among 1912 entries from a
record 44 nations across the African continent.
Hopewell Rugoho-Chin’ono said: “Winning the CNN
Multichoice African Journalist of the Year award was the
highlight of my career. I work in a very difficult
country which is not comfortable with free speech. The
award gave me protection from harassment, since it
raised my profile. Professionally it opened new doors
and has turned me into an international correspondent
with offers coming from major international
broadcasters. The recognition has also given me the
faith and the zeal to encourage my fellow journalists in
Zimbabwe , who have told me countless times that they
felt hopeless but now feel that they can also compete on
the international journalistic platform. Personally, I
felt humbled meeting respected international
broadcasting journalists and to hear them say they
admire my work. It gave me the impetus to carry on with
my work each time I felt low, due to the working
conditions in my country.”
Over the past fourteen
years, the competition has grown in size and status to
become Africa ’s most prestigious media event. In 2008,
it attracted a record-number of entries from 44 African
countries and a ‘Highlights Programme’ of the ceremony,
held in Accra , Ghana , was broadcast in 41 African
countries, on the Africa Channel in the US , OBE TV in
the UK and RTP Africa.
This year, the competition
will recognise excellence in the following
categories:
· Tourism Award
· Arts and
Culture Award · Economics & Business Award
· Environment Award sponsored by
Ecobank · Free Press Africa Award · MSD
Health & Medical Award · HIV/AIDS Reporting
in Africa · Mohamed Amin Photographic Award
sponsored by A24 Media · Print General News Award
sponsored by Safebond Africa Ltd. · Radio General
News Award · Sport Award sponsored by Global
Media Alliance · Television – Features Award
sponsored by IPP Media Tanzania · Television –
News Bulletin Award · Francophone General News
Awards (Print and TV/Radio) · Portuguese
Language General News Award
From these category
winners, the judges choose the overall winner - The CNN
MultiChoice African Journalist 2009.
Finalists in
the 2009 competition will participate in a four day
finalists’ programme that will include a media forum and
networking opportunities with senior journalists,
editors, business leaders and media owners from across
the continent, culminating in a gala awards ceremony in
July, 2009. Each category winner receives a cash prize,
plus laptop and printer. The CNN MultiChoice African
Journalist 2009 will receive an additional cash prize
and a trip to CNN Center in Atlanta .
The
competition is open to African nationals who are
professional journalists including freelancers across
print, television, internet, photographic and radio.
Full details on how to enter can be found by logging on
at www.cnn.com/africanawards. The closing date for
entries is 16th February, 2009 and the judging will take
place in April. All entries should be broadcast or
published during January – December 2008.
Note to
Editors:
Judging of the entries will take place
in April by a prestigious panel and includes: Azubuike
Ishiekwene, Executive Director, Punch Nigeria Limited;
Ferial Haffajee, Editor-in-Chief, Mail & Guardian,
South Africa; Joel Kibazo, Journalist and Media
Consultant; Arlindo Lopes, Secretary General of SABA –
Southern African Broadcasting Association; Sophie Ly
Sow, Regional Communications Officer for Oxfam/West
Africa; Kim Norgaard, CNN’s Johannesburg Bureau Chief,
Brahima Ouedraogo, Senior Radio Reporter/Producer, Radio
Nationale du Burkina and Anna Umbima, journalist and
broadcaster. Filipe Correi de Sá, Senior Producer at BBC
World Service will help judge the Portuguese-speaking
category.
www.cnn.com/africanawards
Issued: 12th January 2009
For further
information please contact:
CNN International
London : Joel Brown + 44 20 7693 0967
joel.brown@turner.com
MultiChoice South Africa :
Marilyn Watson + 27 11 289 3062
mwatson@multichoice.co.za
MultiChoice Africa :
Caroline Creasy + 27 11 289 3081
ccreasy@multichoice.co.za
 |
|
United Nations Worried
Over Nigeria's Donation To
Myanmar From Laolu
Akande ,New
York
The Guardian
NIGERIA'S donation of a
whopping $500,000 to the military junta in Myanmar few
weeks ago is raising questions at the United Nations
Secretariat in New York. An official of the Presidency
arrived New York two days to Christmas to deliver the
check at a hurriedly put together bilateral meeting
between the Nigerian Ambassador, Prof. Joy Ugwu, and her
Myanmar counterpart at the UN building.
But for the invitation to few members of the UN
press, the event would have passed unnoticed and branded
a secret deal. Even Nigeria's former Foreign Affairs
Minister who is a UN's top official on Myanmar was not
aware of the donation. A source at the Nigerian mission
disclosed that even top Nigerian diplomats at the UN
could could not explain the transaction any better than,
that the whole affair was an "order from the
headquarters (Abuja)."
Professor Ogwu only said that the money was Nigeria's
own contribution to the "ongoing relief efforts in the
country, following the devastation caused by cyclone
Nargis in May 2008," in Myanmar.
But observers are however wondering why Nigeria's own
contribution came some six months after the tragedy and
why a presidency official had to be specifically
detailed to deliver the cheque instead of any of the
senior Nigerian diplomats in New York. The other
question is why the Federal Government chose to make the
money directly available to the Myanmar government when
the UN had set up a special fund to warehouse
international donations to help victims of the Myanmar
cyclone.
Media reports quoted Ambassador Joy Ogwu as saying UN
Special Envoy on Myanmar, Nigeria's Professor Ibrahim
Gambari had no role to play in the donation. Gambari's
office at the UN also confirmed this saying he "had no
prior knowledge of this transaction or the motive, if
any, on the part of the Nigerian Government," adding
however that Professor Gambari does not object to the
donation
A reporter with Inner City Press in New York, Lee
reported that, "Nigeria gave its money directly, in US
dollars, and apparently with no requirement to report
back on how the funds are used. This is the type of hard
currency for which Senior General Than Shwe is
desperate." He wrote that Nigeria would be seen to be
supporting a military dictator by making such a donation
"with no strings attached."
On ther hand, some transparency and accountability on
how the money would be spent would have been possible
had the money been donated through the United Nations.
When contacted for comments, a top Nigerian diplomat
simply said the Foreign Affairs Ministry wanted the
money to be handed over to Myanmar directly.
Why Nigeria would seek to please one of the few
remaining military tyranny in the world is an issue that
baffles many at the UN. A retired top Nigerian diplomat
who had represented the country at the UN said it is
simply shocking that Nigeria would do such a thing
without passing through the normal diplomatic channels
of the United Nations, since it was the UN that had
called for international support to Myanmar.
The Abuja dole is coming at when the the UN and the
global community are telling the Myanmar military
dictator to move faster with democratic reforms. For
instance, the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon has
postponed plans to visit the place and there are no
scheduled visits in the foreseeable future by the UN
Special Envoy Gambari, who has been working round the
clock to advance democratic reforms in Myanmar.
Ki-Moon said last month at the UN that he was
"disappointed by the unwillingness of the government of
Myanmar (Burma) to deliver on its promises for
democratic dialogue and the release of political
prisoners."
By donating half a million bucks to Myanmar and doing
it without the knowledge of the UN, Nigeria may be
indirectly courting the enmity of those in the
international community who are insisting that an iron
hand be applied on the Myanmar dictatorship. The timing
of the donation according to a source is also an
indication, of "bad planning" by the Foreign Affairs
Ministry in view of mounting international against the
military junta in Myanmar.
One report said that there are as many as 112 former
heads of state and government from more than 50
countries urging the UN scribe to help to secure the
release of all Burmese political prisoners by the end of
the year 2008.
Led by Kjell Magne Bondevik, the former prime
minister of Norway, the group told Ki-Moon that, "If the
Burmese junta continues to defy the United Nations by
refusing to make these releases by the end of the year
(2008 ), we urge you to encourage the Security Council
to take further concrete action to implement its call
for the release of all political prisoners."
The Federal Government of Nigeria made its donation
of half a million dollars to Myanmar less than two weeks
after these world leaders called for Security Council
action against the Myanmar dictatorship.
What is more, the White House, last month, issued a
statement urging the international community and the
United Nations not to remain silent to oppressive,
anti-democratic measures of the Burmese junta. The
statement by Press Secretary Dana Perino, said "Brave
Burmese patriots such as Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, and
Htay Kywe were among those who have been sentenced to 65
years imprisonment for their peaceful participation in
the August 2007 protests, in which Burmese citizens,
including monks and activists, called on the regime to
address the basic needs of the Burmese people."
At the donation on December 23, Prof Ugwu said
Nigeria took the "opportunity to express our unflinching
solidarity with the government and people of Myanmar for
the concrete actions being taken to address the
sitution"- referring to the cyclone tragedy. There are
also those who see the gesture as part of Nigeria's
support of the South to South Integration at the UN,
which seek to encourage stronger ties among the less
developed countries of the world.

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NAS International in Ireland
Donates Duvets to the Homeless
posted Sunday Jan.4,2009
Newsdiaryonline has learnt
that in December last year,the National Association of
Seadogs (NAS) International ,Ireland Chapter donated
over 50 duvets to the homeless in the care of the Dublin
Simon Community. The presentation was made in the Dublin
Simon Community’s Detox and Rehab Unit in Island House
in Usher's Island, Dublin 6.This was contained in a
press statement emailed by NAS
Interenational,Ireland.According to the statement ,the
Ireland chapter of NAS made the donation specifically on
Friday December 19th,2008
Mr. Muyiwa Ilori, the President of
NAS International Ireland, said: “every year our
organisation embarks on charity project worldwide. And
this year, the Ireland chapter, decided to keep the
homeless and less privileged warm, through this
charitable project we tagged ‘operation buy one duvet
for the homeless.’ We believe that in doing this
we are also showing our appreciation to a society that
has given so much to foreigners. Ireland has given us so
much and it is our turn now to give back by giving to
the less privileged within the Irish society.”
He then went further to add: “In our
Association we think and act for the community of man
and in every society that we find ourselves we have
positively touched the lives of those who lack access
and those who are isolated. In Nigeria we have funded
the education of children in isolated leprosy
settlement. In the UK we have sensitized recluse AIDS
sufferers to become our partners in combating HIV
infections, to just mention a few. It is this story of
goodwill and love that Ireland chapter of NAS is
spreading in Ireland.”
While receiving the donations on
behalf of the Dublin Simon Community, Katie Madden,
Assistant Fundraising Officer, said: “The Dublin Simon
Community greatly appreciate this very kind donation. It
is heart-warming to know that there are so many people
who care about the cause of the Dublin Simon Community,
which is to bring an end to homelessness in Dublin.” Ms
Madden further said the duvets would make a huge
difference to “our clients who experience the ruthless
nature of the current economic climate more than
most.”
And a few minutes after the
presentation some of the duvets were distributed
immediately to clients while others, according to Ms
Madden, were given out over the Christmas.
Present at the presentation were:
from officials of the Dublin Simon Community: Katie
Madden-Fundraising Department, Sandra Fox- Tenancy
Sustainment, Vanessa Vaughan- Head of Emergency
Shelters, Sandra (client from Detox), Brenda (the
Nursing Manager) and Majella (Head of Special Services),
and from the members of the National Association of
Seadogs: Muyiwa Ilori, Tony Egwele, Peter Anny-Nzekwue,
Henry Malaka, Jude Ogida and Yemi Ayankoya.
After the formal presentation of the
duvets they then proceeded to the Night Shelter unit for
the presentation of a certificate to the National
Association of Seadogs Ireland chapter in recognition of
their kind gesture to The Dublin Simon Community. Ms
Sandra Fox, who presented the Certificate to the
President of NAS International Ireland on behalf of the
Dublin Simon Community, thanked members of NAS for their
kind gesture and for choosing Dublin Simon Community out
of many other charity organizations for the donation,
and expressed the willingness of the Dublin Simon
Community to partner the National Association of Seadogs
in any other charitable activities.
About National Association of
Seadogs (NAS)
National Association of Seadogs
(NAS), also known as Pyrates Confraternity, is a
Nigerian charitable organization dedicated to
humanitarian and charitable endeavours within Nigeria
and anywhere in the world. It was founded by Professor
Wole Soyinka, Nobel laureate, and six others in 1952.
NAS has branches in Nigeria, Ireland, South Africa,
United Kingdom, Japan, The Netherlands, Canada and the
United States of America. http://www.nas-int.org/

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OBASANJO ABANDONS HIS FOOT
SOLDIERS
posted Tuesday Dec 30,
2008
At the peak of his tenure as
president,Olusegun Obasanjo used them as attack
dogs.Nasir el rufai, Nuhu Ribadu and Femi Fani-Kayode
are names Nigerians will not forget in a hurry.
As minister of the Federal Capital
Territory,el Rufai took on the lowly and the mighty in
his bid to execute the mandate given to him by President
Olusegun Obasanjo.He eventually earned the sobriquet,
the bulldozer for his fearless demolition
exercise meant to ensure strict compliance with the
Abuja master pan.On the political scene,he tackled
former Vice President Atiku Abubakar as part of his
boss` plan to checkmate Abubakar
On that political score ,he seemed to
be working with Nuhu Ribadu who as chairman of EFCC
provided the weapon to nail Abubakar and to stop General
Ibrahim Babangida among others from contesting election
into the presidency.Femi Fani Kayode was in a class of
his own as he took on all perceived enemies of
Obasanjo.He was the quintessential attack dog.Despite
the courageous efforts of Ribadu in fighting corruption,
his critics always refer to this point as one of his
weaknesses.
Curiously their former boss appears to have
handed his mean over to the new hawks to
devour.Today the tide has changed.Obasanjo`s boys
are in trouble.Ribadu has been dismissed from
service.The EFCC has declared el Rufai wanted; the
outcome of a senate probe against him is till
outstanding and Fani Kayode too, is undergoing pains
.But OBJ is not available to help.There has not even
been a public statement so far ,from Obasanjo in
defence of his accelerated promotion of Ribadu whom he
praised so well while promoting him to AIG.
Those keeping a close tab on the unfolding
events revealed to newsdiaryonline that they have
discovered that Obasanjo whom these men served so well
has abandoned them."You cannot believe that he has not
even called Ribadu to express sympathy with him in the
light of his unfolding travails",a source revealed.Even
Fani Kayode has not received any sympathy calls from
Obasanjo."I hope he will call them soon, because that
will be unfair to his boys who served him.I am not an
admirer of Fani Kayode ,but I sympathise with him
because he did all that he did believing he was serving
a good leader.But it appears Obasanjo has betrayed them"
a source added
Not many insiders will be surprised with
this twist of events.In fact ,there are those who have
said that the travails of Ribadu and el Rufai may have
been instigated by Obasanjo who told President YarAdua
much earlier not to trust them.Obasanjo`s anger
was that these men worked to undermine his third term
plot and also shattered all his sucession plot.Left
for Obasanjo, Peter Odili ,former governor of
Rivers State would be YarAdua`s vice president.But
Ribadu and el rufai who saw through the sinister plot
shot that plan down and convinced Yar`Adua to pick
Goodluck Jonathan.
Even more ,Obasanjo` betrayal of his men is
not new.EL rufai was pencilled down for appointment as
energy minister, Fani Kayode too had been assured of
ministerial offer under Yar`Adua and Ribadu was
expected to emerge as Inspector General of Police.But
reports said the former president was instrumental to
Yar`Adua`s failure to honour his promise to Obasanjo`s
boys because the former president betrayed them
when it mattered most.Fani Kayode`s woes may have
mounted because he allegedly expressed his unhappiness
with Obasanjo and all he said got to the former
president`s ears.Fani Kayode`s mortal sin was that he
failed to approve final payment for a multi
million naira deal in his last days as minister of
aviation.

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Fake
Priest in EFCC net
Posted
Tuesday Dec.30,2008
A fake priest,
Herbert Chukwu who specialises in duping donors of
foreign currencies has been arrested by Operatives of
the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission,
EFCC.
His arrest
followed petitions from Reverend Fathers Anthony E. Eze
and Felix Nwatu of Bigard Memorial Seminary, Enugu and
the Vicentians of St. Vincent DePaul House all in Enugu
accusing the suspect of using their names and place of
worship to defraud certain people outside the
Country.
The impostor who
hails from Ituku in Awgu Local Government Area of Enugu
State was trailed for sometime before he was arrested on
Sunday 14th December 2008 at Sacred Heart
Seminary, Osude. He was said to have impersonated the
Priests at various times in a bid to obtain Money from
their unsuspecting friends abroad under False
Pretences. He was also said to have had access to
the post office keys of Bigard Seminary, Scared Heart
Seminary, Osude and The Vincentians all in Enugu which
he used to intercept and reply their mails while
impersonating the different priests without their
knowledge.
Herbert, a
graduate of the Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka, and
working with a private firm had scanned pictures of a
burnt building and a car which he sent to friends of the
Reverend Fathers claiming that his house and car got
burnt. He told them that he had nothing on him, and that
they should contact their other friends to raise some
money for him to re-build his house and church that were
raised to ashes on the 15th December
2007. Rev. Fr. Eze in his petition said he got to
know about the activities of Herbert through one of his
friends in the United States who had called him to
sympathize with him over his
predicament.
In the several
letters recovered from e-mails that he sent to friends
of the Reverend fathers across the world, Herbert
claimed that it was his sole responsibility to replace
the burnt building and since he could not get help from
Nigeria he had to depend on them to help him. He also
claimed that he had already contacted an architect who
told him that the building will cost about 11,650 US
Dollars to re-build.
In another mail
that he sent in the name of a priest at the St.
Vincentians, he had claimed that he was lying critically
ill at a hospital and needed the Congregation to raise
some money for him in order to pay his hospital bills as
he claimed that he could not afford three square meal
any more.
In the cause of
investigations, it was discovered that Herbert had
already received two different cheques of fifty dollars
each from two foreigners who are friends of Father Eze.
According to him, he sent back one because he couldn’t
cash it but the second cheque was found with him despite
the fact that he couldn’t cash it too. He was also about
receiving the sum of five hundred dollars that was
already raised for him by friends of Father Eze through
Electronic Money Transfer when he ran out of
luck.
Several letters
belonging to the priests that he had intercepted were
recovered from him including some international
passports, deposit and withdrawal vouchers with fake
names.
While making his
statement under caution, he confessed to the crime. He
said he just needed the money to help himself.
Femi
Babafemi
Head, Media &
Publicity
30/12/08

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NIGERIA`S ALLEGED
SUSPENSION FROM THE EGMONT GROUP: EFCC CLEARS THE AIR
Posted Sunday Nov.30,2008
Femi
Babafemi, spokesman of the Economic and Financial Crimes
Commission has stoutly refuted media reports that
the Nigeria Financial Intelligence Unit, NFIU has been
suspended from the Egmont group. According to him, this
report is misleading and embedded in falsehood as
Nigeria has not been suspended from the Egmont
group.
His
words:``What might have been misinterpreted, albeit
mischievously, by the reporter is a routine development
in Financial Intelligence Units, (FIUs) across the world
whenever there is a change of leadership at the FIU. In
the case of Nigeria Financial Intelligence Unit, (NFIU),
the Unit was not suspended from the membership of Egmont
Group. Instead a precautionary step was taken to deny
the former Head of the NFIU access to the
anti-money laundering site while the new boss of the
NFIU completes his documentation with the global
body.``
Babafemi
said ``that the site is a secured one where
sensitive information on on-going investigations is made
available to the NFIU and as such cannot be left
unprotected.``
As
he explained further ``the Egmont Group is a global body
whose relationship with member countries is institution
based and not built around individuals.In the last one
year, at least four countries which had faced a similar
transition had also experienced the same development.
This misleading report further underscores the need for
the media to always crosscheck and confirm information
especially on technical issues like this before going to
press.
According to
Wikipedia, ``The
Egmont Group of Financial Intelligence Units is
an informal international gathering of financial
intelligence units (FIUs). The Group was formed in
1995, and took its name from the palace in Brussels
where the meeting took place. Some 101 countries have
created FIUs, which are national centers to collect
information on suspicious or unusual financial activity
from the financial industry and other entities or
professions required to report transactions suspicious
of being money
laundering or terrorism financing. FIUs are normally
not law enforcement agencies; their mission is to
process analyze the information received. If sufficient
evidence of unlawful activity is found, the matter is
passed to the public prosecution.``

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EFCC Arraigns ICAN Boss Over N7m
Fraud
A former Chairman of
the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN)
Port Harcourt Chapter, Mr. Rasak Kayode Oladimeji Ettu,
was on Wednesday 21st January, 2009,
arraigned before a Rivers State High Court on a two
count charge of stealing and issuance of dud cheque.
Ettu who was
the Chairman of the Port Harcourt Chapter of ICAN
between 2005–2006, pleaded not guilty on both
counts.
His case was reported
to the Commission by the Chairman of the Eastern Zone of
ICAN, Chief Ngozi Amaliri through a petition dated
2nd July, 2007.
Investigations into
the case revealed that Mr. Ettu had received on behalf
of ICAN the sum of N7million (seven million naira) from
the Rivers State Government during Dr. Peter Odili’s
administration. Rather than pay the amount
into ICAN’s account, he however paid it into his
personal account from where he made several withdrawals
towards addressing his personal needs instead of that of
ICAN.
Having depleted the
fund, Ettu in a bid to cover his track decided to issue
a dud cheque to cover the sum to the Institute .The
cheque however bounced,thus signalling the beginning of
Ettu’s trouble. After taking pleas from the prosecution
and the defence counsel, the presiding judge, Justice
Charles Grianville ordered Ettu to be remanded in prison
custody till February 9,2009 when further hearing in the
matter continues.
Femi
Babafemi
Head, Media &
Publicity
23/1/2009

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EFCC
Arraigns Four Over N10million Fake Currency
The Economic and Financial
Crimes Commission (EFCC) on Wednesday 14 January, 2009
arraigned four men; Zubairu Ja’faru, Sani Iliyasu,
Shuabu Ibrahim and Bashir Musa on a seven count charge
of forgery and unlawful possession of the sum of over
N10, 000,000 (Ten Million Naira) before a Kaduna Federal
High Court presided by Hon Justice Shuabu
Mohammed.
The accused persons who pleaded
innocence to the charges were alleged to have committed
the offence along side some others who are now at large,
between January and October 2008. Two of the suspects,
Zubairu Ja’faru and Sani Iliyasu were intercepted on the
3rd October 2008 by the immigration service
in Kano after some intelligence report was received on
them.They were later handed over to the EFCC on October
16,2008 while two others, Shuabu Ibrahim and Bashir Musa
were arrested also in Kano by EFCC operatives in the
course of their investigation.
According to the
prosecution lawyer, one of the suspects on the run,
Mohammed Garuba was the principal receiver of the fake
monies whose job was to integrate the notes into the
system.
He was said to be a staff of the
Federal Inland Revenue in Kano State but EFCC’s
investigation revealed that he has not been in the
office for over a year.
The offences were contrary to
several sections of the (Miscellaneous Offences Decree
No 20 of 1984) as amended by the Tribunals (Certain
Consequential Amendments, etc) Decree 62 of 1999 and the
Special Tribunal (Miscellaneous Offences) Act Cap 410
Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 1990. All were equally
punishable under different sections of the
decrees.
According to the Charge sheet,
the accused persons alongside some others who are now at
large had on three different occasions, fraudulently and
knowingly forged more than 10,000 pieces of One Thousand
Naira notes with serial numbers B/261973558,
B/335507298, and B/357477001 respectively.
After taking their plea, the
prosecution lawyer, Sir Steve Odiase, moved an
application for commencement of trial, which was not
objected by the defence counsel, Ali Musa. Musa however,
moved for the bail of the suspects, which has been fixed
for hearing on 27 and 28 January 2009.
Meanwhile, Justice Shuabu has
ordered the suspects to be remanded in EFCC custody even
as the Commission has concluded arrangements to invite
CBN experts and Immigration officials as witnesses in
the matter.
Femi Babafemi
Head, Media &
Publicity
19/1/2009

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EFCC ARRAIGNS LG
CHAIRMAN, FOUR OTHERS OVER
N114.5M FRAUD
Posted Tuesday, Jan. 13,2009
Recent efforts by the Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to beam searchlight
on some local government councils over their usage
of public funds has once again yielded result with the
arraignment on Monday January 12,2009 of the Chairman of
Ukwa East Local Government area of Abia State, Glory
Okechukwu Kanu alongside four others over a fraud
totalling N114.5million.
He was arraigned at the Federal
High court in Maitama, Abuja with Ogbonna Sylvanus
Peters, Secretary to the council, Okwara Godwin Awa,
Treasurer, Obianyi Lewis, Head of Legislative Council
and Godwin O.k Aluoko, the fourth accused who could not
take his plea because of ill health.
The accused persons who pleaded
innocence, were cumulatively slammed with sixty-two
counts bordering on money laundering, criminal
conspiracy, criminal breach of trust, stealing and
misappropriation of council funds all totaling
N114,578,036.16 (one Hundred and Fourteen Million,
Five Hundred and Seventy -Eight Thousand, Thirty-Six
Naira, Sixteen Kobo)
The offences which were perpetrated
between January and December 2008 contrary to
several sections of the Criminal Code, and Money
Laundering (prohibition) Act 2004 are punishable under
the same Code and Act.
One of the charges filed
against the Chairman, Glory Okechukwu Kanu read;
“That you Glory Okechukwu Kanu on 17th day of
July 2008 at Aba, Abia State within the jurisdiction of
this honourable Court while being a public officer to
wit: the Chairman,Ukwa East Local Government
Council charged with the performance of a public
duty,did by virture of that position, corruptly take
from one Anthony Obi, under the colour of your office
,the sum of N16.4 million (Sixteen Million,Four Hundred
Thousand Naira) on account of contract jobs awarded by
your office; and therby committed an offence punishable
under Section 404 (1) (a) of the Criminal Code.”
Counsel to the accused persons,
Edwin Anikwem who held brief for G.E Lar, made a verbal
application for bail for his clients, pleaded with the
court to grant them bail because of their reputation and
standing in the society. He said that they had been
remanded in custody for over one month and that their
absence has caused non- payment of the local government
staff salary. “ They are public officers, because of
their detention, the local government workers have not
been paid their salary.”
According to him, “the first
accused is a legal practioner and an elected local
government chairman. He will be present at trial because
his integrity is at stake here.”
While noting that all the
accused persons presented themselves to the EFCC, the
counsel argued that the offences for which they were
accused were bailable offences and that his clients had
never been charged with any criminal offence.
Countering the defence counsel’s
argument, the prosecution counsel, Mohammed Mailumo
notified the court that the accused persons were
no longer public officers as they had been impeached. He
said that the issue of bail being canvassed by the
defence counsel should be done judicially and
judiciously.
“ By plethora of court decisions in
this land, certain criteria have been established
that are exposed to the court to consider whenever
bail is being sought. The court has to consider the
possibility of the accused to suppress evidence by
working on the mind of those to be called as witnesses.”
This, he said was because the
accused were and are still men of substance.
Mailumo further said that Anikwem’s
submission that the offences were bailable connotes a
literal approach to interpreting legislative enactment.
“In the circumstances of this case, we need to go beyond
the literal approach to the mischief rule”, he added .
In his ruling on the bail
application, the trial Judge,Hon Justice Adamu Bello
said that though it was at the court’s discretion to
grant bail, it must be done judiciously and judicially.
He said; “having listened to the arguments of both
counsel, I have to state that an oral application cannot
at this point be used to argue for bail. The defence
counsel should make a formal application with the
necessary deposition.”
He thereafter, rejected the oral
application for bail by the accused and ordered that
they be remanded in prison custody.
The case has been adjourned to
January 20, 2009.
Femi Babafemi
Head, Media &
Publicity
13/1/2009

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Barely three weeks after it paraded a
fake EFCC official, the Commission has again arrested another
fraudster, Chief Egbe Akparakwu for posing as an agent of the
anti-graft agency to extort money from unsuspecting members of
the public.
The 41 year old Akparakwu who resides at
Apo legislative quarters in Abuja was apprehended on
December22, 2008 for parading himself as an agent for most
security organisations in the country including EFCC. He had
in his possession ,a pool of security/classified documents
from government agencies notably that of the Presidency,
Nigerian Police, Civil Defence, office of the National
Security Adviser to the president and the State Security
Services. Also recovered from him were petitions purportedly
written to the Commission against some unsuspecting members of
the public and other letters written with fake EFCC
Letterhead.
The suspect according to investigations
by operatives of the Commission, had been receiving petitions
from members of the public for a fee on the pretext that he
was an agent of the Chairman and Director of Operations of
EFCC respectively. It has however been established that he has
no contact whatsoever with either the Chairman of the
Commission or the Director of Operations. It was also
established that Mr. Egbe Akparakwu had used his Akparakwu
Foundation which he claims to be the Chairman /President, as
a camouflage for extortion.
The recent arrest of the suspect is one
of many as he had been detained sometime in April 2008 on a
similar offence at the state CID, Panti- Lagos. Before his
arrest on December 22nd 2008, Akparakwu had
been under EFCC’s surveillance since October last year.
. A similar arrest was made about three
weeks ago when one Kenneth Okonkwo who had been parading
himself alongside other members of his group as staff of EFCC
in bid to extort N10 million from the Bayelsa State
governor.
According to the Commission’s spokes
person, Femi Babafemi, Akparakwu’s detection and eventual
arrest was a clear testimony of the preparedness of the
Commission to thwart the efforts of those who may
stop at nothing to tarnish the hard earned image of the
Commission.
The suspect will be arraigned in court on
Wednesday January7,2009.
Femi Babafemi
Head, Media & Publicity
6/1/2009

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Yuguda to marry Yar’adua’s
daughter Jan 24
Written by Lawal Ibrahim, Katsina
Sunday, 28
December 2008 Daily Trust
Another high-profile marriage ceremony is
set for Katsina early next year Governor Isa Yugud with Bauchi State
Governor Malam Isa Yuguda billed to marry President
Umaru Yar’adua’s daughter Hajiya Nafisa on January 24,
2009.
Daily Trust gathered that the initial
process ahead of the solemnization of the marriage was
concluded in Katsina at the weekend, where the President
and his wife Hajiya Turai spent the Christmas holidays.
Our correspondent gathered that
Governor Yuguda’s family representatives arrived in
Katsina on Saturday and met with Yar’adua family
members, after which an agreement was made to
tentatively fix the wedding fatiha for January 24,
2009.
Though Daily Trust could not confirm
the amount of money fixed as bride price, it was
confirmed that the traditional gifts for the bride,
known as Lefe, were delivered by Yuguda’s family
members. A family source said about twenty boxes full of
cloth, toiletries, footwear, bags and jewellery were
brought to the house in a small truck.
When our reporter visited the family
house in Yar’adua Quarters in the weekend, he observed
that elderly female members of the Yar’adua family were
mobilised to receive the traditional gift from the
suitors.
Another source told Daily Trust that
Governor Isa Yuguda’s family members arrived Katsina
airport in a chartered flight on Saturday. Two golden
coloured Lincoln Navigator jeeps and another black Prado
jeep bearing Bauchi State plate numbers conveyed them
and the gifts to the president’s family house. Talk
about this marriage had been on since late last year,
and earlier this year, Daily Trust erroneously reported
that a date had been set for its solemnisation. The
report turned out to be premature.
When Daily Trust contacted Bauchi State
government officials last night, they claimed ignorance
of weekend’s events. They however said they would be the
first to tell Daily Trust if and when such an event is
coming up.
Meanwhile, President Yar’adua himself
left Katsina yesterday evening after spending three
days’ Christmas break along with his family.
During his stay in the state, Yar’adua
received many private visitors and held various meetings
with state elders and traditional rulers. He also paid a
private visit to the state university and to the
maternal and children’s hospital projects initiated by
his administration.
Among those who saw the president in
Katsina was Zamfara State Governor Alhaji Mahmuda Aliyu
Shinkafi, who was in the state on Saturday. Yar’adua
also went to condole with the family of his former
Commissioner of Information Alhaji Abdu Haro Mashi, who
died last Wednesday.
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EFCC DECLARES EL-RUFAI
WANTED
A press release
,posted sunday Dec. 21,2008 newsdiaryonline
The Economic and Financial Crimes
Commission, EFCC, has declared former Federal Capital
Territory (FCT) Minister, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai
wanted.
A
statement by the Commission says the former minister “is
wanted for abuse of office and misappropriation
(of )public funds to the tune of N32
billion.”
“The need to declare El- Rufai wanted
became imperative following his failure to honour a simple
invitation from the commission to respond to weighty
allegations levelled against him in petitions being
investigated by the Commission”, the statement
added.
It
will be recalled that the Commission had written El- Rufai
some weeks ago to appear before it on November 28th
2008. Instead of honouring the invitation, he wrote back
through his counsel asking the EFCC to send its questions to
him. He had claimed then that he was writing an examination
outside the country.
This prompted the Commission to grant
him another three (3) weeks grace. But instead of seizing the
opportunity to respond to the weighty allegations against him,
he has resorted to a hide and seek game, and an appalling show
of impunity on the pages of newspapers.
Femi Babafemi
Head, Media & Publicity
21/12/2008

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Gani Rejects
National Honour
By Davidson Iriekpen, 12.16.2008 Thisday
Human rights lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi
(SAN), has rejected the National honour of
the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR)
conferred on him by the Federal Government.
He said a government that “covertly and
overtly encourages corruption has no honour
in its arsenal of power to dispense honour”.
Fawehinmi, in a statement made available to
THISDAY last night, said he was rejecting
the honour because of what he called the
Federal Government’s lacklustre fight
against corruption and the endless
persecution of the former chairman of the
Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC),
Mallam Nuhu Ribadu.
Giving another reason for rejecting the
award, he stated that there was no hope in
sight on the decadent socio-economic
situation affecting the people in the
country, saying that “this is not the
atmosphere for the award of national honour”.
Gani said he was in London receiving medical
treatment for lung cancer when the Nigerian
Bar Association (NBA) wrote him a letter
informing him that his name would be
forwarded for national honour. But he said:
“Events from August 2008 to this date are
bizarre, unbelievably barbaric in their
intensity, in terms of persecuting those
fighting corruption and the singling out of
Nuhu Ribadu for persecution, all for giving
honour and dignity to this country and for
recovering our treasure, billions of naira
and other forms of wealth looted by public
officers.”
Arguing that corruption was a single,
fundamental factor that had retarded the
progress of the nation and its
socio-economic development, Fawehinmi said
it was generally agreed nationally and
internationally that Ribadu did a lot to
retard the inhibitive progress of
corruption.
“Today, the architect of the unprecedented
anti-corruption war, unprecedented in the
annals of Nigeria since 1914, is now
literally roaming the streets of Nigeria
without official car, without official
status, without any form of security, and
yet he is still being subjected to hounding,
haunting and all forms of dehumanizing
vilification by the Federal Government.
“By the performance of his duties, Nigeria
and Nigerians gained in integrity, honour
and recovery of their looted wealth. But
Nuhu Ribadu did not make any personal gain.
He only waged a war against corruption,
graft, stealing, money laundering, etc, etc,
in the corridors of power. In return, the
regime of President Umaru Yar’Adua decided
to wage unrelenting war against anti-graft
war.
“Instead of the Federal Government to
publicly acknowledge the unprecedented good
Ribadu has done to the psyche of Nigerians
by awarding him the greatest National Honour,
the government has decided to continuously
persecute this young man. It was therefore
the greatest embarrassment for me, when at
the weekend, it was announced that I was one
of those 275 Nigerians honoured with
National Honours and in my case the Officer
of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR).
“Yes, I have done my best for this country
in various fields and I still want to
continue to do my best. But we live in a
situation where the Constitution of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 provides
in Section 15(5) that:
‘The state shall abolish all corrupt
practices and abuse of power’ and a young
man emerged to do what the Constitution
enjoins and he is being persecuted for
carrying out the provisions of the
Constitution. Yet, the President swore to
observe, preserve and defend the same
Constitution. I find it extremely difficult
to accept that President Yar’Adua’s
government has the honour to dispense honour.”
Insisting that government had performed
woefully, he said: “The directionless-ness
of the Federal Government has been
characterised by the following, collapsed
infrastructure; total paralysis of the
health sector at all levels; constant
nationwide power failure and attendant
negative effects on all sectors of the
economy; pervasive unemployment, thereby
generating increased armed robbery cutting
across all ages of our people; debilitating
homelessness; retrogressive educational
programmes and policies, which have made no
Nigeria university to be ranked within the
first 500 universities in the world and no
effort is being made by the regime to
improve on the humiliating situation.
“Put simply, the Federal Government is a
total failure, worsened by lack of direction
and leadership. Is this the atmosphere for
the award of national honour? Certainly not.
In addition to my rejection of the award on
the ground of Federal Government’s conscious
war against anti-corruption war, the
decadent socio-economic situation does not
engender the well-being of ordinary people
and there is no hope in sight.”
According to him, “Nobody can contest or
dispute the fact that poverty in Nigeria
today is more pervasive, humiliating,
dehumanising than 40 years ago, despite our
mounting and skyrocketing billions upon
billions of dollars of revenue from oil and
gas exploration. In this respect, the nation
has failed to use the resources to abolish
poverty. This is an indictment against all
governments in Nigeria, including the
present government that awarded the OFR to
me.
“The present government that awarded me the
OFR has been guilty of abuses of human
rights. For example, the closure of Channels
Television station in Lagos and Abuja on
September 16, 2008. The man who helped to
catapult this regime into office, General
Olusegun Obasanjo committed some of the
worst abuses of human rights as civilian
leader between 1999 and 2007, namely: he
sent troops to murder 2,999 innocent
Nigerians in Odi, Bayelsa State in November
1999. He also shut African Independent
Television (AIT) on November 30, 2005.
“Without doubt, all our infrastructure are
decadent and no effort has been made by this
regime to improve on the infrastructure.
Under this regime, power generation is next
to zero and everyday the country is thrown
into darkness. The manufacturers and
domestic users of power are at the mercy of
generating sets.”
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|
The desperate
or even reckless attempt by Sam Egwu, the
former Governor of
Ebonyi state to defend why he should be
confirmed a minister of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria has landed him in
trouble.Answering questions from senators
during a screening session Egwu shockingly
reeled out how he had distributed
electoral materials to stakeholders as if he
was part of the electoral.His confession
has earned him the ire of all and sundry.
Today, the Civil Society Legislative
Advocacy Centre (CISLAC)said in a statement
issued byAuwal Musa (Rafsanjani) executive
director of the centre that it views with
concern the credibility of some ministerial
nominees forwarded to the Senate by
President umaru Musa Yar`Adua.
``Key among such nominees`` according to
CISLAC ``is Dr. Sam Egwu, former Governor
of Ebonyi State who confessed to the Senate,
nay Nigerians and the entire world that he
was part of the rigging in the last election
which has been adjudged the worst in the
political
history of Nigeria.Confessing that he
distributed electoral materials to some
political office
holders in the state means that he was part
of the “sumatics” that took place in the
name of
elections. Egwu was Chief Executive of
Ebonyi State, he was neither a staff of INEC
nor the
Act mandated him to be in possession of
electoral materials and to
distribute them as he ignorantly confessed.
The confession equally shows the level of
intelligence of those proposed to man
sensitive areas of our government.
Zeroing in on the former governor,
Rafsanjani`s statement noted that ``Sam Egwu
is probably
one of those former Governors whose files
have mysteriously disappeared from EFCC. So
long as all past governors, including Egwu
are yet to have a clean bill of health from
the anti-
graft body, none of them should be entrusted
with any responsibility until their files
are
produced and cleared either by the EFCC or a
court of competent jurisdiction.
``Egwu’s nomination smacks off the sincerity
of President Umaru Yar’Adua’s zero tolerance
for
corruption. For those who claim that Egwu
had no case, it is already in public domain
that on
July 16th 2007, a group “Coalition for Good
Governance in Ebnyi State” forwarded a 30
page
petition to Mr. President and copied the
EFCC.
The release reminded Senators of the dirty
records of the Egwu regime ``Sam Egwu as
Governor
of Ebonyi embezzled and mismanaged
N80billion out of N150billion that accrued
to the state
between 1999 to May 2007. They also accused
him of dubious contracts, diversion of local
government funds and frivolous foreign trips
with members of his family which the
financial
burden rested on the state.
Also the civil society coalition said ``Sam
Egwu as Governor of Ebonyi State did not
allow
for internal democracy in the state in the
PDP primaries that culminated in the last
elections.
This he also confessed during his screening
by the Senate. So long as Egwu is yet to be
cleared of all these allegations, if
President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua wants
Nigerians to take
him seriously in the anti-corruption
crusade, we in the civil society are
appealing to him
not to give him further responsibility.
It is based on the foregoing ``that CISLAC
believes that Egwu is not qualified for a
ministerial appointment, even if it is a PDP
settlement. We therefore urge the Senate
to halt the clearing of Dr. Sam Egwu, former
Governor of Ebonyi State as Minister of the
Federal Republic.
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|
National Standard’s Outstanding
Persons of the Year
POSTED
THURSDAY JAN 22,2009
National Standard, Nigeria’s
leading newsmagazine, has announced its choice of
Outstanding Personalities in 2008. These are
Nigerians who made the most impact on national life in
2008.
These outstanding personalities were
drawn from both the private and public sectors,
including sports. The amazing story of their
achievements is featured on the cover of the January 26,
2009 edition of the newsmagazine.
These outstanding personalities are:
Femi Otedola, Chairman of Zenon Oil,
selected for his ethical business practices, especially
for forcing down the price of kerosene; Babatunde
Fashola, the Governor of Lagos State, for the
gradual transformation of Lagos into a mega city;
Aliyu Akwe Doma, the Governor of Nassarawa, for
his pro people policies; Senator Uche
Chukwumerijie, for his vocal campaign for a better
Senate, and Chika Chuwumerijie, for winning
bronze medal at the Beijing Olympics.
Others are: Samson Siasia, for
leading the Nigerian football Olympic team to a silver
medal at the Beijing Olympics; Adams Oshiomhole,
Governor of Edo State, for his resilience and renewing
faith in the judiciary; Ambassador John Fashanu,
for initiating the popular football reality show
Football Challenge with Fash; Ndudi
Elemelu, for his courage in spearheading the power
probe in the House of Representatives, and the
Sultan of Sokoto Abubakar Saad for
transforming the Sultanate into a modern institution for
the promotion of peace and development.
A commemorative award will be given
to each of the Outstanding Personalities at a later date
to be communicated and presented to them individually.
National
Standard
believes the awardees are role models who should be
commended and encouraged to do more this year. According
to the Editor-in-Chief, Ms Mobola Lanre-Badmus, the
Outstanding Personalities Commendation will be an annual
feature of the Newsmagazine

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Turai
Yar’Adua: Aso Rock’s most influential power broker By Olusola Fabiyi and Ihuoma Chiedozie,
Abuja Published: Friday, 9 Jan 2009
The Punch
First Lady, Turai Yar’Adua,
is a woman with a benign carriage; ironically, she is believed
to have emerged as, perhaps, Abuja’s most effective
strategist.
Some Aso Rock watchers say she has brought
these personal attributes to bear in the running of The
Presidency in the last one-and-a-half years.
Before
the recent cabinet reshuffle, the media was awash with reports
of how ministers desperate to retain their portfolios lobbied
the First Lady and the Vice-President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan,
to achieve their aim.
Similarly, it was reliably
gathered that she played a key role in deciding postings of
some new ministers.
Sources said Turai swayed the
President into appointing the former Director-General of the
National Action Committee on AIDS, Prof. Babatunde Osotimehin,
as the Minister of Health.
Prior to the cabinet
shake-up, Osotimehin had a formidable contender for the post
in the erstwhile Director-General of the National Agency for
Food and Drugs Administration and Control, Prof. Dora
Akunyili.
Akunyili was eventually made Minister of
Information and Communications.
According to sources,
Turai’s interest in Osotimehin’s appointment to the health
ministry was influenced by how he handled NACA’s last
anti-HIV/AIDS campaigns held in the six geo-political zones of
the country.
Turai was reportedly impressed. Since
then, she has held Osotimehin in high esteem and sought
collaboration between NACA and her own pet project, Women and
Youth Empowerment Foundation. Asource said, “When he became a
ministerial nominee, she did not hide her
inclination.”
The source said those who knew of Turai’s
support for Osotimehin believed that it was Turai’s support
for him that saved the minister from being denied the job
after a mild but embarrassing drama at the World AIDS Day
programme held at the Eagles Square, Abuja.
At that
programme, a group of people living with HIV/AIDS had openly
protested in the presence of the Vice-President, over what
they alleged was the mismanagement of huge funds by NACA under
Osotimehin.
Carrying placards, the PLWA claimed that
Osotimehin was not making funds available to them, and was
also denying them of Anti-Retroviral Drugs.
Besides,
Turai is said to have been the force behind Yar’Adua
rescinding his earlier decision on the hosting of the World
Youth Soccer Championship, which had earlier been cancelled
following a bloated budget of N37bn by the Local Organising
Committee. The budget was eventually slashed to N9bn,
allegedly after the intervention of the First Lady in October
2008.
A top government source, who did not wish to be
named said, “It is now common knowledge in the Villa that the
First Lady is fully in charge of many of the decisions being
taken. She is the President’s closest adviser and she does not
hide it.”
Still, Turai reportedly played a role in the
emergence of former Kebbi State Governor, Senator Adamu
Aliero, as the Minister of the Federal Capital
Territory.
Aliero, who governed the state for eight
years, having been elected on the platform of All Nigeria
Peoples Party, defected to the Peoples Democratic Party
shortly before the 2007 poll.
He eventually handed
over power to Governor Usman Saidu Nasamu, who, a few months
ago, married one of the First Lady’s daughters.
Another source dosclosed to our correspondents that
“it became necessary for somebody very close to the President
to take charge whenever ‘Oga’ is perceived to be under the
weather.”
Another major decision linked to the First
Lady, our correspondents gathered, was the deployment of a
long-serving minister, Dr. Hassan Lawal, to the Ministry of
Works and Housing from his previous labour
portfolio.
Lawal, a minister of labour in the last
administration, combined his portfolio with the supervision of
the ministry of health, when Prof. Adenike Grange and her
deputy, Mr. Gabriel Adiuku, resigned on account of the N300m
unspent budget scam.
It was gathered that Turai had
become so influential in the Presidency to the extent that
ministers and other top government appointees strive to be in
her good books.
Also, state governors desirous of
closer relationship with the President, sources revealed, go
out of their ways to court the Office of the First Lady.
A reliable source close to the Presidency said those
governors usually used their wives to seek Turai’s attention,
just as they advised their wives to initiate some projects
that would demand inviting the First Lady to their states.
However, the Presidency denied reports that Turai
wields such influence.
The First Lady’s spokesman, Mr.
Lawan Bakori, dismissed the insinuations as mere rumours.
Although the reports had spread ever since the return
of President Umaru Yar’Adua from the controversial trip to
Saudi Arabia in September 2008, when it was alleged that all
the core decisions taken were at the instance of Turai, Bakori
insisted that nobody had come out to categorically
substantiate any of the stories involving the First Lady.
But as if to lend credence to the insinuations, our
correspondents discovered that the Office of the First Lady
was listed as the third in the order of protocol on the
official website of the State House Office of Public
Communications, www.nigeriafirst.org.
Her office was
listed below that of the Vice-President, and above the Federal
Executive Council, the National Economic Council and the
Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.
However, a source in the Office of Public
Communications informed one of our correspondents that the
listing of the Office of the First Lady on the website was “of
no consequence.”
The source, who did not want to be
named, explained that the website was not effective.
“It does not matter, the website is not even
effective, and it is not being supervised. That should not be
given any thought,” the source stated.
Turai was born
in the Katsina Metropolis in July 1957, and she spent her
formative years at the Government Girls Secondary School,
Kankiya.
Later on, she enrolled at the Katsina College
of Arts, Science and Technology, Zaria, where she reportedly
emerged as the best student in 1980.
She obtained a
Bachelor of Arts (Education) in Language from the Ahmadu Bello
University, Zaria, in 1983. She had previously worked as a
teacher before she became Katsina State First Lady when
Yar’Adua was elected governor in
1999.

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Nigeria: Arbitrary Killings by Security Forces in
Jos
Government Should Set up
Independent Investigation
December 19, 2008 Human Rights Watch
The duty of the
police and military was to stop the
bloodshed generated by this extremely tragic
episode of inter-communal violence, not
contribute to it. The Nigerian authorities
should immediately set up an independent
investigation into these extremely serious
allegations.
Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher
at Human Rights Watch
Related Materials:
Nigeria: Prevent Further Bloodshed in Jos
“They Do Not Own This Place”
Revenge in the Name of Religion
(New York) - Nigerian police and army forces were
implicated in more than 90 arbitrary killings in responding to
inter-communal violence between Christian and Muslim mobs in
Jos, Nigeria, on November 28 and 29, 2008, Human Rights Watch
said today. Human Rights Watch called on the Nigerian
government to investigate and prosecute those responsible for
the killings, mostly of young Muslim men from the Hausa-Fulani
ethnic group.
Human Rights Watch researchers documented seven separate
incidents of arbitrary killing by the police during which at
least 46 men and boys, all but two of them Muslims, were
killed. The vast majority of police killings were perpetrated
by a specially trained anti-riot unit called the Police Mobile
Force, known locally as the MOPOLs. Human Rights Watch also
documented six incidents involving the arbitrary killing of 47
men by the military. According to witnesses, all of the
victims were Muslim men, nearly all were young, and most were
unarmed at the time. Most of the killings came on the same day
after the Plateau State governor issued a "shoot-on-sight"
order to security personnel on November 29.
Human Rights Watch researchers in Jos, in central Nigeria,
interviewed scores of witnesses to these arbitrary killings.
In several places, bloodstains and bullet holes were still
clearly visible and bullet casings remained on the ground.
"The duty of the police and military was to stop the
bloodshed generated by this extremely tragic episode of
inter-communal violence, not contribute to it," said Corinne
Dufka, senior West Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch.
"The Nigerian authorities should immediately set up an
independent investigation into these extremely serious
allegations."
Witnesses described how police officers from the Police
Mobile Force killed at close range at least 26 men whom they
chased into the compound of an automobile workshop; broke into
houses and sprayed gunfire in predominantly Hausa-Fulani
neighborhoods; and executed young men shortly after taking
them into police custody. A 26-year-old mechanic, who
witnessed the killings of the 26 men by members of the police
while hiding in the second story of an adjacent building,
described what he saw:
"I saw about 20 or more MOPOLs in all, but around 10 of
them got down and started creeping toward the compound ...
like they wanted to surprise the 50-60 [Hausa] youths who were
still gathered on the road. When they got to the entrance, the
MOPOLs opened fire, making all the youths take off running.
After this, they started chasing the youths as they ran to
seek cover in the compound. I saw them enter one house just
across the street from us. We heard shots and later we saw
five bodies there. Anyone they found hiding in the garage,
they shot them. They combed the garage hunting for people.
This went on for about 10 minutes or so. Then they returned to
their truck and left. They were dressed like the MOPOLs always
dress - with that black top and green trousers, and with all
the patches they always wear on their uniform."
Other witnesses described how four men wearing military
uniforms and carrying assault rifles broke into three houses
on two adjacent streets and gunned down at least 25 unarmed
young men found hiding in these homes. In another incident,
Human Rights Watch spoke with five witnesses in the Rikkos
neighborhood, each giving an account independent of the
others, who saw the killing of eight men by a soldier in the
Nigerian army on November 29. One of the witnesses, a
38-year-old engineer, described what happened:
"I saw a dark-green military vehicle pull up on the road
with five soldiers. This was around 10 a.m. Seven people were
coming from the direction of the mosque. When they saw the
military, they ran into a house. My brother was behind them
and also ran into the house. At the time they [the people
coming from the mosque] were carrying nothing in their hands.
One of the military men went into the house and brought them
out of the house to the road. The military man told my brother
to stand to the side. He then shot the group. Some were hit in
the chest and stomach. He then said to my brother: ‘You go.'
When my brother started moving he shot him in his leg. My
brother went down. He then shot him in the side and the chest.
He was shot with three bullets and died at that time. The
military man then turned and left. He shouted that everybody
should enter their houses. Later in the day, the JNI [Islamic
Authorities from the Jamaatu Nasri Islam] came in a vehicle
and took the bodies to the central mosque. They were all
Hausas between the ages of 18 and 25. My brother was around 40
years old."
(For more accounts of extrajudicial executions by the
police and military, please click
here).
The two days of extraordinarily brutal inter-communal
violence on November 28 and 29 in Jos, the capital of Plateau
State, followed a disputed local election on November 27. The
violence pitted Christians primarily from the Berom, Afizere,
and Anaguta ethnic groups - who largely supported the
Christian candidate from the ruling People's Democratic Party
(PDP) - against Muslims primarily from the Hausa-Fulani ethnic
group, who largely backed the Muslim candidate from the All
Nigeria People's Party (ANPP). Local government posts that
control large sums of public funds disbursed by the federal
government were at stake.
During 10 days of research in Jos, Human Rights Watch
researchers conducted 123 interviews with Muslim and Christian
witnesses, victims and perpetrators of the violence, human
rights activists, religious leaders, local and international
journalists, businessmen, Red Cross officials, lawyers, police
and military authorities, Plateau State government officials,
members of political parties, and electoral officials.
The death toll from the violence in Jos is still disputed,
but several hundred people seem to have been killed in the
clashes. There is also widespread disagreement on what set off
the violence. In the early morning hours of Friday, November
28, following allegations that the governing PDP had rigged
the election results, groups of young men from Muslim and
Christian communities came together to both defend their
neighborhoods from attack, and to attack the homes,
businesses, and religious establishments of the opposing side.
These mobs were armed with machetes, knives, petrol bombs,
rocks, sticks, and in some cases firearms, including locally
made hunting rifles and pistols.
The vast majority of both perpetrators and victims were
young men, although several women and children were also
killed. The violence was primarily concentrated in the
neighborhoods of Ali Kazaure, Tudun Wada, Nasarawa, Rikkos,
Dutse Uku, Congo Russia, and Angwan Rogo. Mobs set up
roadblocks in various neighborhoods allowing people of their
own religion or ethnicity to pass and attacking, and in some
cases killing, members of the opposing faith or ethnicity.
(For more on the mob violence and background information on
inter-communal violence, please click
here).
As the violence intensified, witnesses complained of the
absence of police in many of the worst-affected areas. A
prominent Muslim businessman whose three used car lots on
Zaria Road were set alight by mobs of Christians on the
morning of November 28 told Human Rights Watch that he had
repeatedly called the police and pleaded with them to protect
his businesses. A Christian member of the mob interviewed by
Human Rights Watch confirmed that while they were burning cars
on Zaria Road a police truck passed them twice but did not
stop. The Katako market, which was razed to the ground by a
mob of Christians, is adjacent to the divisional police
headquarters.
By noon on November 28, the Nigerian army was called in to
restore order, and army units from neighboring states began to
be deployed to the streets of Jos. Despite the cases of
alleged arbitrary killing by military personnel, witnesses
interviewed by Human Rights Watch generally credited the
military with having quelled the violence and restored peace,
and in some cases with intervening to save the lives of both
Muslims and Christians.
On November 28, the Plateau State governor issued a
statement announcing a dusk-to-dawn curfew. The next day, the
governor issued an order to security personnel, telling them
to shoot persons on sight, which James Mannok, the director of
press and public affairs at Government House, confirmed to
Human Rights Watch applied to anyone breaking the curfew. The
governor also later imposed a 24-hour curfew in the worst-
affected neighborhoods.
While most of the inter-communal violence documented by
Human Rights Watch took place on November 28, the vast
majority of the alleged killings by the police and military
were carried out on November 29, the day the shoot-on-sight
order was issued. Human Rights Watch documented at least 80
cases of alleged arbitrary killing by security personnel that
took place on that day alone.
However, police and military authorities interviewed by
Human Rights Watch said they had not carried out the
shoot-on-sight order. The Nigerian army spokesperson,
Brigadier General Emeka Onwuamaegbu, told Human Rights Watch:
"It is one thing for a political leader to issue an order,
another for those of us implementing it. Our soldiers went out
with very strict instructions to use minimum force and follow
the rules of engagement." The assistant commissioner of police
in charge of operations in Plateau State, Oga Ero, told Human
Rights Watch that, "There was no order by my officers to shoot
on sight as far as I was aware of."
Senior police and army authorities also denied receiving
any reports of their forces being involved in arbitrary
killings during the violence. Human Rights Watch is deeply
concerned by these denials by the security forces.
"It is imperative that the army and police carry out
rigorous investigations into these allegations and get to the
bottom of what happened," said Dufka. "Those found responsible
simply must be brought to book."
Some witnesses said that persons impersonating police
officers and soldiers were responsible for the killings.
However, in the majority of incidents documented by Human
Rights Watch, other evidence clearly contradicted that notion.
The evidence included the presence of police and army vehicles
at the scene and the fact that the same "fake" MOPOL officers
who entered homes and arbitrarily killed young men also
arrested others and officially transported them to police
detention centers.
Human Rights Watch called on the government of Nigeria to
take concrete measures to hold those responsible for the
arbitrary killings documented during the November violence in
Jos and to address the issues that lie at the root of
Nigeria's most recent spate of deadly inter-communal violence.
The federal government should immediately establish an
independent inquiry into the alleged disproportionate use of
force by the security forces. Such an inquiry should have full
participation of surviving victims and victims' families, and
ensure that the individuals responsible for the violence,
including those responsible for any orders leading to
arbitrary killings, are identified, arrested, charged, and
tried promptly, according to international fair trial
standards.
The federal and state government should also take concrete
steps to end the discriminatory policies that treat certain
groups as second-class citizens, which should include passing
legislation prohibiting government discrimination against
non-indigenes in all matters that are not purely cultural. The
federal and state authorities should also conduct a public
education campaign focusing on the rights that go with
Nigerian citizenship and the need to end discrimination
against non-indigenes.
Witness Accounts of Arbitrary Killings by the
Police
Human Rights Watch researchers documented seven separate
incidents of extrajudicial execution by the police, during
which at least 46 men and boys, all but two of them Muslims,
were killed. The vast majority of police killings were
perpetrated by a specially trained anti-riot unit called the
Police Mobile Force, known locally as the MOPOLs. When asked
to comment on the allegations of killings documented by Human
Rights Watch, the assistant commissioner of police in charge
of operations in Plateau State, Oga Ero, said, "We have
received no reports at police high command that the police
were killing people."
On Saturday, November 29, about 10 MOPOLs responded to an
altercation between about 200 Hausa youths and 20 Christians
by hunting down and killing at least 26 of the Hausa Muslims.
Human Rights Watch interviewed six witnesses to the incident,
which occurred in a large lot used for repairing cars and
motorcycles on Bauchi Road, in the Angwan Rogo neighborhood.
Two witnesses who helped remove the bodies of the victims
guided Human Rights Watch researchers through the scene,
pointing out each place where they had found and later removed
a body. In many places, blood stains, bullet marks, and what
appeared to be human remains were clearly visible. There were
also a number of spent bullet casings at the scene. The two
witnesses said that bodies were found under cars and car parts
such as hoods, behind rows of motor scooters, and inside and
beside several small wooden structures on the compound. One
witness described how the military, who had initially tried to
calm the situation, warned the Muslim youth to return to their
houses or else "the police would arrive and start shooting in
20 minutes." A 26-year-old mechanic, who witnessed the
killings while hiding in the second story of an adjacent
building, described what he saw:
"In this neighborhood, the Muslims live on this side, and
the Christians live on the other side. There is a government
quarters across the street and that morning at around 8 a.m. a
man took a gun and started firing at Hausas so they would not
cross the road. The Hausa young men from this side started
gathering across the street from where the man with the gun
was. I saw about 200 Hausas gathered this side and eventually
there were about 20, including the guy with the gun, on the
other side."
Later, soldiers came to try to calm things down. One of
them went over to where the Christians were, shot in the air,
and told them to go back from the road. The Christian people
ran into their community. Then another [soldier] told the
Hausas to go back home as well. Some of the Hausas agreed to
go back home and the soldiers left. But later, more and more
Hausas started gathering. The [Hausa] youths thought the
Christians would return and attack this side.
Then between 9 and 10 a.m. the MOPOLs arrived in a heavy
truck they use, which they parked about 300 to 400 meters down
Bauchi Road. I saw about 20 or more MOPOLs in all, but around
10 of them got down and started creeping toward the compound
... like they wanted to surprise the 50 to 60 youths who were
still gathered on the road. When they got to the entrance, the
MOPOL's opened fire, making all the youths take off running.
After this, they started chasing the youths as they ran to
seek cover in the compound. I saw them enter one house just
across the street from us. We heard shots and later we saw
five bodies there. Anyone they found hiding in the garage,
they shot them. They combed the garage hunting for people.
This went on for about 10 minutes or so. Then they returned to
their truck and left. They were dressed like the MOPOLs always
dress - with that black top and green trousers, and with all
the patches they always wear.
Also on the morning of November 29, mobs of Christians and
Muslims clashed in the Angwan-Keke neighborhood for about one
hour. Shortly after the clashes subsided, a group of MOPOLs
stormed through Angwan-Keke and the adjacent neighborhood of
Bulbulla shooting into the air and breaking into houses. The
20 residents from both communities interviewed by Human Rights
Watch reported that over the next approximately one hour, the
MOPOLs broke into at least six houses and executed at least 13
unarmed men and boys they found. They also reportedly lobbed
tear gas into a small local mosque and into the home where one
of the wounded lay dying. Before retreating from Angwan-Keke,
they detained 13 men and boys, all of whom were later reported
to be in police custody. A witness to the execution of an
unarmed shopkeeper in Bulbulla described what he saw:
"As the firing started, A. [the shopkeeper] told us to run
into our houses because the police were coming. The police
must have seen him run into his shop, so when they got to his
place they started yelling for him to come out. I saw four
MOPOLs and one policeman. He came out with his arms up,
begging for them to leave him. They told him to lay down. He
kept saying, ‘Please God, allow me to live.' They were
speaking in Pidgin and Hausa. One of them said, ‘Today you go
die,' and then he shot him in the side. Then the same MOPOL
shot him again. As he was going to shoot him a third time, the
other MOPOL said in Hausa, ‘Leave it, he's already dead.'
After the MOPOLs left, A. dragged himself into the neighbor's
house."
The neighbor described what happened next:
"I live next door to Mr. A., the shopkeeper. After being
shot by the MOPOLs he crept, pulling himself along the ground,
into my house. I asked him where he was wounded, but he said
he didn't know. I lifted up his shirt and saw he'd been shot
twice - once in the back and once in the abdomen. As I was
trying to stop the bleeding, the MOPOLs came back and threw a
tear gas canister into my house. A. died a short time later.
After, I picked up five or six bodies - I didn't know their
names. The MOPOLs had started killing across the ravine. We
heard shots coming from there, and then they came into
Bulbulla."
A 45-year-old teacher from Angwan-Keke described what he
saw:
"On Saturday morning at around 7:30, the Christian people
from Congo Russia - which is the community just above us -
lined up on the hill and rocks and starting shouting and
throwing rocks and bottles filled with petrol down at us. One
of them had a shotgun and was firing at us. There were about
300 to 400 of them. When we saw this, we picked up stones and
sticks and went to defend our border. But our youths were
fierce and after about one hour we managed to chase them back
into Congo Russia. About 10 minutes later, policemen dressed
in the MOPOL uniform came crashing into Angwan-Keke. They
arrived by foot, I saw four of them dressed the way the MOPOLs
dress with black tops and green trousers. As soon as the
MOPOLs started shooting, our people started shouting, ‘Hey,
the police are shooting - run, run.' I heard the MOPOLs
saying, ‘Just shoot the bastards,' in English. They spent
about one hour here breaking doors, jumping into people's
houses, throwing tear gas into the mosque and killing people -
about seven people including three old men were killed here.
They also arrested 13 youths; we later learned that one or two
of them are in prison. When they got to the mosque, I heard
one of them asking: ‘Is this not a mosque?' Then another said,
‘Burn it,' but in the end they threw the tear gas in and
gassed out three people, including one who was sick. When they
left, some of them ran down the ravine and up into Bulbulla
neighborhood, while other MOPOLs left with the youth they'd
arrested."
An 11-year-old Christian boy from the Dutse Uke
neighborhood described the killing of two of his brothers by a
MOPOL unit on November 29. The boy was later detained by the
MOPOLs and spent several days in police custody:
"At around 7 in morning, I was inside the house with my
family eating when about six mobile police came. They were
wearing green trousers and black shirts and all had guns. They
dragged me to the road and told me to lie down. One of the
mobile police came and took his gun and knocked it on my arm.
The other mobile said I should get up and leave. But the other
mobile said I should not go home but should get in the car. I
got into the car. They asked one of my brothers [who had also
been detained] to lie down [on the ground], but he responded
that there was no space to lie down. The other mobile came and
‘packed' him [kicked his legs from underneath him so he would
fall]. He then stomped on his back. The other mobile said that
he should just waste him. He then shot him in the stomach. My
brother is around 19 years old. My other brother was afraid
and went to escape and they just shot him from behind. They
shot him one time and I saw him lying on ground. He is 17
years old. The same mobile shot my two brothers. The same
mobile also shot another person in the hand. Then they took us
to the CID [Criminal Investigation Department]."
Witness Accounts of Arbitrary Killings by the
Military
Human Rights Watch documented six incidents involving the
arbitrary killing of 47 men by the military. According to
witnesses, all of the victims were Muslim men, nearly all were
young, and most were unarmed at the time of the killings. When
asked to comment on the allegations of killings documented by
Human Rights Watch, a Nigerian army spokesperson, Brigadier
General Emeka Onwuamaegbu, said that, "I have no evidence or
information that Nigerian soldiers were involved in any
arbitrary killings."
Human Rights Watch documented cases of the soldiers
entering houses and shooting the men inside, taking men out of
houses and killing them on the street, and summarily executing
them in police or military custody. Witnesses also described
to Human Rights Watch an incident at the Fatima Cathedral in
which soldiers fired into crowds of Muslim youth. It appeared
that some of the youth had firearms, but the soldiers
apparently fired before having exhausted non-lethal means of
crowd control.
Human Rights Watch interviewed eight witnesses who saw four
soldiers enter the Ali Kazaure neighborhood around 11 a.m. on
Saturday, November 29. Witnesses said that the soldiers
entered three houses on two adjacent blocks and killed 25
young men in the three houses, as well as two men in the
street. They also shot an 11-year-old boy in the leg. Human
Rights Watch visited the houses and saw bloodstains on the
floor, chairs, or benches in each one. Community members told
Human Rights Watch that the chief of army staff, Lieutenant
General Abdulrahman Dambazau, visited the houses the day after
the killings and met with the community leaders and residents.
At the first house Human Rights Watch researchers visited,
two women said that on the morning of the incident there had
been fighting in the neighborhood and some of the young men
had come to their house to hide. The woman said that soldiers
in camouflage uniforms broke into the house and demanded to
know where the men were hiding. The soldiers found an
18-year-old man, U., in one of the bedrooms and "shot him
right there in the bed." The soldiers proceeded to a room at
the front of the house. The women described how they then
heard "lots of gunfire." Another witness told Human Rights
Watch that after the shooting he found 11 dead bodies inside.
The bodies were later taken to the central mosque.
The 58-year-old owner at the second house told Human Rights
Watch that he saw four soldiers wearing camouflage uniforms
enter the street. When he heard gunfire, he ran for cover
across the street. Once the shooting stopped, he came out and
found the door to his house open. He saw the body of a young
man lying at the doorstep and four other bodies inside the
room. The man at the doorstep was wounded, and later died. The
four others were already dead.
At the third house, witnesses told Human Rights Watch that
the soldiers killed eight young men in the house. Human Rights
Watch researchers found bloodstains on the chairs and on the
ground behind a sofa. In an adjacent room, there was a large
bloodstain on the floor with a boot print in the blood.
Neighbors also showed Human Rights Watch a bullet casing they
had picked up at the scene. One of the residents of the house,
a 22-year-old carpenter, described what he saw that day:
"On Saturday, we were sitting in our house. There were 10
of us and we were all Hausas. The door was open and four
soldiers came into the house. They were wearing green
camouflage uniforms and green hats. Three of them had guns and
one of them had a camera. The soldiers told us to come out.
Four of my friends went out but I stayed inside. I heard the
soldiers tell my friends to kneel down and the soldiers
started cussing at them. I heard one of my friends begging
them, ‘For God, please allow us.' I then heard gunshots. We
were looking for an exit, but the soldiers came inside and
shot us. They shot me twice in the leg. The soldiers then went
outside and I heard them tell someone that, if you don't stop
burning houses this is what we will do to you."
Human Rights Watch spoke separately with two police
officers who witnessed a soldier summarily execute at close
range an unarmed man at the Larento Divisional Police
Headquarters. The incident took place on November 28. One of
the police officers described to Human Rights Watch what he
saw:
"I was assigned to the police station by the Katoko market.
A police inspector arrested a Hausa man and brought him to the
front of the police station. One of the soldiers asked the
inspector what the man had done. The inspector said that he
had found him with a cutlass. The soldier then shot him in the
chest. This happened on Friday around 11 a.m. I saw it. The
acting DPO [divisional police officer] was also present. After
shooting the man the soldier said, ‘Anybody you see with a
cutlass, you shoot him.'"
Background on Inter-Communal Violence
Nigeria is a nation deeply divided along ethnic and
religious lines: more than 12,000 people have died in
inter-communal clashes since the end of military rule in 1999.
Plateau State has been particularly hard-hit by this violence:
In
September 2001, violence in Jos claimed as many as 1,000
lives, and in May
2004, more than 700 people were killed in clashes in the
town of Yelwa in the southern part of Plateau State.
There is disagreement about the death toll in the November
2008 violence in Jos. Muslim authorities from the central
mosque in Jos claim to have registered more than 570 deaths,
including several hundred victims buried in three mass burials
on November 30 and December 1. Authorities from the various
Christian denominations in Jos have not yet released figures
on the number of Christian dead. The Plateau State
commissioner for information and communications put the
initial death toll at 200. Meanwhile, Yoruba community leaders
told Human Rights Watch that at least 113 members of the
Yoruba ethnic group - both Muslims and Christians - lost their
lives in the violence.
Human
Rights Watch has found that the root of much of the
communal violence in Nigeria is government policies that
discriminate against "non-indigenes" - people who cannot trace
their ancestry to the original inhabitants of an area -
essentially relegating millions of Nigerians to the status of
second-class citizens. Most of Plateau State's original
inhabitants come from ethnic groups that are Christian.
Members of the largely Muslim Hausa-Fulani ethnic group, who
have migrated to Plateau State for its rich farmland and
grazing pastures, are classified as non-indigenes, despite
many having resided there for several generations.
State and local governments throughout Nigeria have enacted
policies that deny those designated "non-indigenes" access to
some of the most important avenues of socio-economic mobility.
Non-indigenes are openly denied the right to compete for
government jobs and academic scholarships, while state-run
universities subject non-indigenes to discriminatory
admissions policies and higher fees. As poverty and
unemployment have both become more widespread and severe in
Nigeria, competition for scarce opportunities to secure
government jobs, education and political patronage has
intensified dramatically. Many view the religious, political
and ethnic disputes that typically set off inter-communal
violence as merely a proxy for the severe economic pressures
beneath the surface.
Witness Accounts of Mob Violence
Witnesses described to Human Rights Watch how mobs of
Muslim youth beat, burned, or bludgeoned to death Christians,
in some cases specifically targeting pastors and church
officials. One witness from the Yoruba ethnic group said five
of his relatives who had come to Jos to attend the wedding of
his daughter were among 12 Christians burned alive by a mob of
Muslims. Other witnesses described how hundreds of Muslim
youth besieged and burned churches and homes belonging to
Christian families. Church officials said that at least six
Christian pastors were killed in the violence and that 40
churches were burned or vandalized. Local community leaders
told Human Rights Watch that Muslim youth burned 133 houses in
a predominately Christian area of the Ali Kazaure
neighborhood.
Muslim victims and witnesses likewise described how mobs of
Christians set ablaze at least 15 mosques, an equal number of
Islamic schools and hundreds of Hausa-Fulani businesses and
homes. On the morning of November 28, five children attending
the Al Bayan Islamic boarding school were killed in or near
their dormitory by a mob of Christians. Muslim women speaking
to Human Rights Watch from a refuge for residents displaced by
the violence described how Christian youth in Tudun Wada
burned their homes and killed their neighbors and family
members. The widespread destruction of Hausa-Fulani businesses
- including used car lots, gas stations and the Katako market,
which housed thousands of largely Hausa-Fulani traders -
resulted in devastating economic loss.
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NYAKO`S HOUSE OF
DISHARMONY
IBRAHIM
A.MUHAMMAD, NORTH
EASTERN
NIGERIA POSTED MONDAY
DEC.29,2008
Just a
few days after Governor Murtala Nyako of Adamawa state and the
lawmakers called for an end to political bickering in the
state,clearer signs are emerging that the cold war and
division among the leadership of the People`s Democratic Party
(PDP) big-wigs has continued unabated.In fact, a shocking new
twist to the political wrangling is emerging at the top
echelon of the executive of the ruling party.The new
tussle is between between the state chairman of the
party Alhaji Umaru Mijinyawa Gugama who has vowed, to root the
matter with a view to taking appropriate measures to restore
the party’s discipline in the state and his deputy Medan
Teneke.
The embattled State Chairman Party (PDP) Alhaji
Mijinyawa Kuguma told NEWSDIARY
ONLINE that the attention of the Party
has been drawn to the “Sinister moves by some
disgruntled highly placed members of the Party led by Prince
Medan Teneke to destabilize the Party for their selfish
personal interest”.
He however alleged further
that most of these members are major beneficiaries of
the party and the PDP led Government in the recent
years.According to him “they had secret meetings on ways to
destabilize the party and the people oriented Nyako led
administration in Adamawa.”“Accordingly, they have gone as far
as deceiving loyal party members that theyhave the support of
Mr. President and the National Chairman of the party to form
new Executive Committees at all levels of the party in the
state.”Kugama has said.
But in a swift reaction,
Prince Medan Tekene, who is the Vice Chairman Southern
Senatorial zone, urged Kugama “not to join issues rather, he
should face the realities as he failed woefully as his
leadership is characterized by “Chuwa Chuwa”
deceit and incompetence.”
Prince Teneke equally
accused the leadership of the PDP, in Demsa local government
and the chairman of Demsa council , Mr. Felix Tangwami for
sponsoring a N5million solidarity march to the state
secretariat of the party in Yola “when the
state secretariat has been completely deserted and
abandoned due to poor leadership.”he said.
He said
that people join PDP massively out of desire for change and
good governance for the betterment in the state and they will
not give in to intimidations, stressing that as stakeholders
and party officials, “we are duty bound to make consultations
to see how best we can save our party from total
collapse.” At both the State PDP secretariat and
Government House , Yola solidarity and counter solidarity
rallies have continued by some party supporters across the 21
local government councils in the state.
Investigations
have revealed that some highly influential PDP members in the
state may be sponsoring the move to change current leadership
as both the Governor Murtala Nyako and PDP chairman all hail
from the same Mayo–Belwa local government coupled with the
recent reports being peddled that the former vice president
Atiku Abubakar may likely come back to PDP.
Kugama's
statement became necessary, as a group led by a senator,
commenced tour of all local government areas in the state,
canvassing for a member serving in Yar'Adua's administration
to emerge as governor in 2011.
Speaker of the Adamawa
State House of Assembly, Mr. James Barkar had admitted
that the state Chapter of the Peopels Democratic Party
(PDP), is riddled with serious crisis.But, he was quick to
warn factional leaders in the crisis to caution their
supporters not to allow the rift to impede activities of the
government.
The speaker stated that the House of
Assembly as the law making arm of the government will not
support any subversive move that will bring government
machinery to a stand still. He, however stated that the
state chapters of the PDP will come out stronger after
the crisis, stressing that no party will progress without
internal wrangling.
"I will liaise with Governor
Murtala Nyako, who is the leader of the party in the
state to fashion out ways of resolving the lingering
crisis. We would also dialogue with the two factions to
identify the real problems behind the crisis"; the speaker
added.
Earlier, Prince Medan Teneke, observed
that incompetence,greed, dishonestly has ruined the state
executive of the party.
The Adamawa political
temperature is getting hotter now as the race for the
Dougirei government house in Adamawa State has commenced in
earnest with the state deputy governor Barrister Bala James
Ngilari locking horns with the chief of staff Bello Tukur
who had recently married the State Commissioner for
Women Affairs, Aishatu Sulaiman Zumo ;the event is now
referred to as a political marriage.
Ngilari camp
alleged that, “a man, in police custody, drove a torched car
in to the residence of the Adamawa state deputy governor,
Bala James Ngilari with alleged intention of crushing it into
the building”.
“When arrested after the foiled
mission, the suspect told the police that he was personally
hired by the chief of staff Bello Tukur to crush his car into
the deputy governor’s house to set it ablaze and possibly hurt
the deputy governor himself who was not even in town at the
time. He said he was on a suicide mission,” NEWSDIARYONLINE was told.
As it turned out he was telling lies
against Bello Tukur.According to an impeccable source
“the man could not identify the chief of staff among four,
when he was brought in to substantiate his claim. Embarrassed
by his inability to identify Bello Tukur, he switched mood and
started playing lunatic and making incoherent statements”.
The Principal Special Assistant (media) to governor of
Murtala Nyako who is also very close to the embattled chief of
staff, Alhaji Aminu Iyawa argued that,” Alhaji Bello Tukur,
who was a deputy governor in the eight years of the Boni
Haruna’s administration has been a target of campaign of
calumny from some politicians that are vying for the
governorship stool in the state”.
He described the
allegations as “attempted blackmail by some unknown
politicians to discredit the all-powerful 2016 governorship
hopeful and chief of staff to governor Nyako Alhaji Bello
Tukur”.
There have been more questions on the lips of
many people as to what really went wrong between the deputy
governor Bala James Ngilari and the former deputy governor
and now chief of staff to Governor Nyako, Bello Tukur. This is
in the aftermath of the drama that played out between the
due recently when Ngilari through his aides alleged threat
to his life, which was suggestive of deliberate attempt
by each group to stop its opponent from vying the exalted
seat.
Tongues have continued to wag and people are
seeking to know why the new twist and turns of events that pit
Tukur or Ngilari against his supposed soul mate in the Adamawa
political struggle.
There is no doubt, the duo had a
serious romance in the past as Adamawa citizens and valuable
chieftains of the people Democratic Party (PDP) in Adamawa,
firmly (then) controlled by the former Vice president Atiku
Abubakar and former Governor Boni Haruna.
Bala Ngilari
came to the scene when the PDP in the state was no
longer attractive, forcing many prominent chieftains of
the party to cross over to the opposition ANPP shortly before
the 2003 election. He contested and won to the lower chamber
of the National Assembly.
Bello Tukur, former deputy
governor for eight years sources say, claims to have
been responsible for Murtala Nyako and the PDP forming the
new government in Adamawa State .
Specifically he
frequently argues to the effect that he was responsible
for “destroying” former vice president Atiku Abubakar’s
grip on Adamawa State politics. In other words, without
him, Murtala Nyako would not have defeated Action congress
candidate , Alhaji Ibrahim Bapetel. He openly aspired to be
governorship candidate of the PDP in 2003 and AC in
2007 respectively.
Some political commentators in
the state have argued that the recent “attacks” by each of
the two camps may be borne out of political envy.
In
the case of Ngilari, there were allegations and counter
allegations that Bello Tukur was behind his ordeal. For
instance, a source close to the deputy governor said Ngilari`s
inability to enjoy total support of Nyako for his governorship
ambition come 2016 was the handiwork of Bello Tukur. All
these allegations generated public discourse in the state,
but no one could substantiate the claims as Ngillari himself
in his usual characteristic calmness has maintained
sealed lips.
However, the curtain was drawn on the big
masquerade recently when some of his aids alleged that
there was a threat on the life of the deputy governor. They
also accused the chief of staff of being the masterminded of
what may be the fall Ngilari’s ambition.
Investigations by NEWSDIARY
ONLINE revealed that the appointment
of the former deputy governor Alhaji Bello Tukur, as chief
of staff has not pleased some influential persons in the
state. The appointment attracted wide criticisms from his
political “enemies”.
It could be recalled that during
the recent impeachment saga some members of the state
Assembly have threatened a showdown with the governor if he
fails to drop Tukur. Some of the critics went further to
accuse Nyako of executing a Fulani ethnic agenda by
appointing his tribesmen, “unduly in to key positions”.
However, the governor has dismissed as baseless
the allegation of ethnic bias. Alhaji Aminu Iyawa (Principal
Special Assistant to the Governor on media affairs) described
the allegation that the governor is introducing the ethnic
card into the appointments so far made by Nyako as
sad,unpatriotic and a disservice to the people of the state.
“Admiral Nyako has always reiterated that he is every body’s
governor rather than any particular tribe or ethnic group. We
don’t want to believe that some people are still living in
the past”. Iyawa added that the present administration was not
interested in victimizing any body, be it on ethnic or other
considerations. He described all the allegations being
leveled against Bello Tukur as baseless and unfounded aimed
at tarnishing his image and possible create rift
between the two formidable factors in the state PDP.
Already the deputy governor according to his aides was ''
forced to go on annual leave".
Some of the Tukur’s
supporters who spoke to NEWSDIARYONLINE
however, accused members of the
opposition parties, Action Congress (AC) in particular of
spear heading the alleged campaign of calumny.
According to them, “they were envious because Bello
Tukur has succeeded in diminishing the Atiku’s camp and
you know without him PDP couldn’t have won the election”.
But in a swift reaction a former member in the state
Assembly and strong supporter of Atiku Abubakar, Alhaji
Abdulmunini Ibrahim Song said, “In the domestic politics of
Adamawa State , a thousand Bello Tukurs could not
have defeated the AC in Adamawa State in a free and
fair election. Indeed, if Bello Tukur is so formidably
popular and credible, why didn’t he make any significant
impact when he aspired to be the governor candidate of the
PDP in 2003?”
He further accused that, “even when he
defected to the PDP because of his debacle in the AC, he
couldn’t have made any remarkable difference without
the undemocratic usurpation of the PDP in Adamawa by former
President Obasanjo’s force of re-registration of party
members”.
The former lawmaker claims that the
influence of the former Vice President still looms larger
over the minds of PDP leaders who declared Atiku
politically dead and buried as “they are now blaming him
for every internal PDP crisis, including the recent
impeachment move against Nyako, which exposed the moral
hypocrisy of his administration”.
He continued “Did
Atiku need Tukur to win elections in Adamawa in the
past before the now powerful Chief of Staff joined
politics? God couldn’t have been kinder to Atiku because
even as his political enemies printed his purported
obituary, he still remains a political force to reckon with”.
Aminu Iyawa, one of the Tukur’s image makers equated
the assassination attempt as “a scene from a Hollywood
movie, or a newsreel from the streets of Baghdad aimed at
discrediting the all-powerful 2016 governorship hopeful chief
of staff to Governor Nyako, Alhaji Bello Tukur”.
While the battle line is being drawn between the
two strong PDP men, the people of Adamawa state have
expressed concern over the lingering political
face-off being experienced in the state.
A cross
section of people who spoke to NEWSDIARYONLINE said they were
not happy that the crisis was taking another dimension, as
it poses a threat to the peace and development of the
state.
It could be recalled that the family residence
of the speaker of the Adamawa State House of Assembly, James
Barka was recently attacked at Kala’a in Hong local government
area of the state by suspected hired assassins.
While the political temperature of the state is rising
and only time shall tell, whether Governor Nyako is
sleeping with serpents under his bed! Will he
(Nyako) overcome the hurdles ahead of him and deliver
democracy dividends to his people?

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PEOPLE ARE
BEING UNFAIR TO BELLO TUKUR
Mallam Aminu Iyawa, Veteran broadcaster is
the Principal Special Assistant on Media to
Governor Murtala Nyako. He bares his mind to
NEWSDIARYONLINE’S IBRAHIM A. MUHAMMAD on
Adamawa`s political upheaval as well as his
role in Nyako's administration. Excerpts:
posted Monday Dec.29,2008
The people of the state were shocked
following a recent raid by armed robbers of
Ganye cattle market during which many lives
were recorded to have been lost; what is the
government doing to checkmate the ever
increasing rate of armed robbery in the
state?
It`s an unfortunate incident but I wouldn’t
categorize it as something that is rampant,
because Adamawa state has been peaceful for
quite along time. In fact, we never had a
more peaceful atmosphere in the state than
the coming of His Excellency Admiral Murtala
Nyako and since he came to office he has
been working with security agencies making
sure that the state is secured; people of
the state and their properties very much
secured. Last Saturday’s incident in Ganye
was unfortunate; it’s not something that can
be anticipated. But I assure you that the
security agencies are doing their best to
track down the perpetrators, and for the
people that have lost their lives ,may their
souls rest in perfect peace.
There is this insinuation that the
government may engage the services of a
renowned traditional crime fighter ,Ali
Kwara, how true about it?
I wouldn’t want to comment on that, but all
I can tell you is that the police have been
doing their best, until this incident, we
did not have a robbery incident for quite a
long time and because of this we cannot jump
to conclusion that it was due to the
ineptitude of the police that the incident
happened. It could happen anywhere and in
any state. But the main thing is that the
police need information; so it is our duty
to help them to track these armed robbers.
If you see any thing suspicious you have
every reason to inform the authorities.
Recently the Governor suspended all
allowances of Special Assistants, why did he
make this order?
The Special assistant programme is not
suspended but there were conflicting figures
on the number of SA's, the government
ordered for screening of the S.A's because
the purpose of the programme is almost being
defeated. After the initial screening
exercise headed by Dr.Salihu Bakari Girei,
the committee came out with shocking
revelations, the governor ordered the
suspension of payment of allowance to the
SA's until another screening is conducted
this time at the local government and ward
levels. Basically, the suspension is in line
with Governor Nyako's vision of transparency
and after this round of screening; the
actual beneficiaries of the special
assistant programme will be identified.
So what is the government doing to take care
of the aged people, particularly the beggars
in the streets?
Well the issue of beggars is a national
problem, we also
have them here in Adamawa , but I don’t want
to say it here categorically ;but all I know
government would do something about it and I
also know that the wife of the Governor
Hajiya Nana has a programme on how to
integrate the almajiris into formal
educational system. And let me tell you, no
matter what you do for a beggar, he will
always go back to the street to beg. I want
to categorically clear, that
the beggars you see in our streets are not
from Adamawa State. In spite of the fact
that both major religions encourage alms
giving, Adamawa State indigenes don't beg
anywhere in this country, you will never see
an indigene of Adamawa begging I challenge
you to go and investigate.
Because of the generosity of Adamawa people
and indeed Nigerians, these beggars have
turned begging into an industry in Adamawa
and all over the country, it is the same
story in the south, east or west, if you
give a beggar N100,000 today and ask him to
go home, the best thing he or she will do
will be to relocate to another state to
continue the business of begging.
How will you react to accusations in some
quarters that the state Governor Murtala
Nyako is investing in capital projects at
the detriment of
poverty alleviation?
I don’t think that’s true, because he has
done more for poverty alleviation than any
programme.And I have not heard of such
accusations before, but if there is any such
accusation, it must be from mischievous
people. Adamawa State, like we all know, is
a backward state, we have been unfortunate
to have leaders in the past who did not do
anything to improve the living standard of
the people and to develop the state.Now,for
the first time, we have a Governor who has
the interest of the people in mind. Since
his assumption of office in his first
eight months before the annulment and up
till now, Governor Nyako has shown that he
is ready to work for the people. What the
Governor has done can not be compared to
what previous administrations have done. For
the first time in the state, water now
flows from our taps not only in the state
capital but also in other local government
areas of the state. Only recently, the
Governor released over N1 billion for water
project within the state capital and other
major towns like, Mubi, Ganye, Numan and
Madagali. He also released over N200 million
for the sinking of
boreholes in 266 villages in the state.
In the education sector, there has been a
great improvement in the provision of
learning materials, furniture and structures
(buildings) in the state. There is the
establishment of vocation training institute
committed to developing and improving the
living standard of the people. Why do you
think that Adamawa has not gotten good
leaders as you alleged?
Well, it’s very unfortunate that those we
had as leaders they have their own personal
priority and the system of check and balance
was virtually not there. But luckily for
now, we have an individual who is a
patriotic citizen, very much interest in the
welfare of his people and he has been doing
well.
The Office of the Chief of Staff has
continued to generate controversies in the
state he is even accused of been a defacto-
governor ,why is it so?
I think people are not being fair to Chief
of Staff ,Bello Tukur. He is just like any
employee of the government .It is the
governor that appointed him to that
position. Please don’t forget that he was a
deputy governor and a potential governor and
probably some people are not comfortable and
they think Bello Tukur is close to the
Governor. The COS office has nothing to
compare with that of the Deputy Governor,
when the governor is out of jurisdiction the
deputy acts, the COS does not have the power
the deputy has, chief of staff office is the
director-general of the government house or
better still the
permanent secretary government house.
I think some people are not really
comfortable with the rising profile of the
chief of staff, Alhaji Bello Tukur who
having served the state in the capacity of a
deputy governor for eight years and now the
chief of staff of Government House ,
also doubles now as a special adviser to the
governor. And could get the party's blessing
to be their candidate for the post of the
chief executive of the state because of his
absolute loyalty when the time comes.
However not only Bello Tukur, even your
office because a lot of people see your
office "Principal Senior Assistant to the
Governor on Media" as a duplication of the
office of the chief press secretary, what
exactly is your role in this government?
No, my duties as the PSA on Media is not a
duplication of the chief press secretary we
all have our roles to play and that is to
see that this administration is given the
desired publicity, we ensure that
government's plans and programmes are made
known to the public. We are a media team and
we are working together for one goal, we
respect that and we are very happy working
together as a team.
The members of Adamawa State House of
Assembly recently passed a bill to reduce
the tenure of local government chairmen in
the state ;but in a letter Governor Nyako
refused to give assent , why is it so?
I don’t think any responsible person will
side with members of the state assembly.You
know the executive is not favourably
disposed to the bill. It has made its
position known, though, I wouldn't want to
say much about this but in any case, the
House was ill-advised on the issue I do hope
they will listen to the cry and appeal to
have a rethink because the reduction will
not be in the best interest of the people
including the members and it will take about
N1 billion or more to conduct local
government elections, doing it every year
will definitely have its toll on the
development of the state.
Since assumption into office Nyako has been
in the news media may we know the
relationship between the press and
government?
The relationship between his Excellency
members of the press of recent is very
cordial. I think initially he has been
misunderstood and also the opposition played
a great role in misleading some of my
colleagues into believing that the governor
may not deliver. But the people have seen it
and you the journalists have seen it. Since
he came to
office he has been delivering and Adamawa
people like what he is doing and they are
standing behind him.Moreso, , never in the
history of Adamawa State have we had much
report in the pages of newspapers devoid of
scandals, I think basically the relationship
will be maintained by this administration.
Thank you very much
Thanks to you too ,but I hope you people
will stop painting us black .
 |
|
HARUNA’S
APOLOGIA
By
Jonathan
Ishaku
posted Sunday Dec
28,2008
I am
delighted that Mohammed Haruna is so fair minded to have
“allowed” the publication of my rejoinder to his
December 3, 2008 column with the title THE MEDIA AND THE
GENOCIDE IN JOS at all; even though it came 21 days
after his own; even though he had, in the meantime, gone
ahead to publish a sequel to his initial column; even
though my response was tugged in the remote inside pages
of the Daily Trust; even though his response was
at his usual conspicuous back page; even though his
response enjoyed an additional appearance in The
Nation, which didn’t publish my riposte…
Lest the
reader forgets, the initial reason for Haruna’s article,
aside the “anti-Christian drivel” was to point out the
bias of the media in reporting the crisis that broke out
in Jos on November 28, 2008. One of the principles of
media fairness is what we call right-of-reply which
imposes an obligation on the media to publish contrary
views to those espoused by its writers or contributors.
Embedded in this principle is the need not only to give
timely opportunity to respondents but also to give equal
visibility and prominence to such views. The treatment
given to my rejoinder falls far below the requirement of
fair hearing. Whether it was deliberate or not, Haruna
really needs to work hard on his new career as a media
ombudsman in order to be credible. The Nigeria
Standard carried the rejoinder on December 12, as
rightly observed by Haruna, but it was after it became
apparent that the two newspapers for which he syndicates
his column may not publish it; if it is that publication
in The Standard that eventually gingered
Haruna or the editors of Daily Trust to publish
my rejoinder then doing so achieved its
purpose.
In my article
I stated that Haruna, given his antecedent as an
ethno-religious jingoist, is not qualified to sermonize
on media fairness. Indeed I cited his reprehensible role
in the 1987 Kafanchan religious riots and his biased
attack on the Presidential ambition of Prof. Jerry Gana
as evidences of his soiled hands. With regards to the
Jos crisis, I challenged him to engage in a frontal
argument rather than the red herring of maligning the
Plateau State Governor, Da Jonah Jang, on the basis of
an interview he granted a newspaper eight years
ago.
It is
interesting that in his response to my rejoinder,
Haruna, once again, cleverly side-tracked all the issues
raised by the Jos crisis. I have therefore been very
hesitant in writing again; I am reluctant in engaging in
mere sophistry. Given the great challenge we
collectively face with the frequency of ethno-religious
crises in this country, it is my belief that any media
argumentation that does not help in advancing solutions
to the crisis is sterile and counter-productive; a cruel
entertainment for the credulous. More so, I hate
rejoinders that tend to insist on one’s point of view;
it is a disguised form of tyranny which erodes the
public’s right to form independent opinion.
My only
purpose here, therefore, is to point out to the likes of
Haruna that journalists have a greater responsibility in
stemming the madness that seems to have overtaken this
country whereby, at the slightest provocation, neighbors
would start slaughtering themselves, than the habitual
game of blame sharing. However, I shall first attend to
some mischievous slanting of my position by Haruna.
Haruna wrote
that: “Ishaku then concluded his piece with a remark
which shocked me for the level of personal animosity
towards me and a hatred for the Hausa that he must be
have harboured deep down his heart all these years.” He
then went ahead to quote the proof of this in my
article, when I wrote: “This is a man who took
Professor Jerry Gana, his fellow Nupe man, to the
cleaners for daring to contest the nation’s presidency.
The professor’s sin in the eyes of Haruna is that he is
a Northern Christian. Had Haruna also been a Hausa (all
thanks to the thoughtful father who has ensured that his
Nupe identity will never be in doubt), we wonder how
further up the notch he would have carried his
anti-Middle Belt battle.”
To this I
retort: Fiddlesticks! In my rejoinder I drew attention
to Haruna’s resort to sloppy logic when he misled the
public to believe that Governor Jang masterminded the
crisis because of his hatred for the Hausa and Muslims
and also that the governor still rues his retirement
from the Airforce 18 years ago. I said that Haruna was
too intelligent not to recognize this line of argument
as sloppy and fraudulent especially against the
background of the Jos crisis which was clearly
premeditated by criminal elements intend upon plunging
the state into crisis with the help of foreign
mercenaries.
Now it seems
I was too generous with my estimation of him; I never
could imagine that he would twist such a straightforward
paragraph, quoted above, to ascribe to me a mind-set I
do not possess. There is nothing in this text to
deduce or infer hatred for the Hausa or
indeed any ethnic group. And I challenge him to come up
with the textual analysis of this quotation to prove his
inferred innuendo. He certainly can never do so because
he is obviously confused as to the actual meaning of the
text.
The very next
paragraph demonstrates his confusion. He writes: “When a
person resorts to abuse it is a sure sign that he knows
deep down his argument cannot stand close scrutiny.”
Now, come on, what are we expected to make of this? Is
he saying that the paragraph conveyed hatred (an
attitude) or an abuse (a deed)? He is being ambivalent.
Write what you mean, mean what you write
(incidentally, the title of my forthcoming book).
This shift of premises is disingenuous and I find it
unacceptable.
But Haruna’s
purpose in making this wild allegation of hatred is not
lost on me. It is this same allegation that he initially
made against Governor Jang when he ascribed to him “deep
hatred for the Hausa/Fulani who are predominantly
Muslim” in order to hold (the governor) responsible for
what he insubstantially termed “genocide” in Jos. It is
a deliberate but cheap ploy to demonize the targets of
his venomous pen and instigate opprobrium against them.
Although
Haruna promised his readers that he would refute my
charge that he is a religious bigot on account of his
unprofessional role when he was managing director of the
New Nigeria and his bias comments on Prof. Gana,
he did nothing of the sort; rather he proceeded to
confirm what I wrote.
On the Gana
issue, which occupied a better half of his write-up, he
merely recited what he had written in a two-part
rejoinder to Reverend Father Matthew Hassan Kukah when
the later had leveled similar allegations of religious
bigotism against about him in 2006. I am yet to fathom
how Haruna could assume that by re-producing his
argument in his rejoinder to Father Kukah he has
sufficiently responded to my own charge.
Haruna’s
rejoinder to the priest was titled “Father Kukah’s
Misrepresentations.” Now, it is “Jonathan Ishaku’s
Misrepresentations.” Shouldn’t it worry Haruna, as a
commentator, that he is being misunderstood or
misrepresented by a section of his readers? It only
means that he is doing something which confounds a
section of his readers. Any serious writer would have
taken that as a cue to improve his or her communication
skills. But if Haruna is lumping me together with the
priest for the reason that we both belong to the
Christian faith and therefore, a response to one serves
the other, then it should be clear enough to him that he
needs to acquire inter-communal communication skills in
order to be a fair commentator of public affairs in our
plural society that includes Christians and people of
other faiths than his.
On the issue
of his authorization for publication in the New
Nigerian newspaper of the inflammatory advertorial
by the so-called “Council of Ulama” in 1987, Haruna did
not deny it.
He says:
“Ishaku was right that I authorized the publication of
the controversial advert but then it was no more
incendiary than advertisements and statements that
Christian organizations had issued which had been
carried by other newspapers including The
Standard.”
This
tit-for-tat approach, which Haruna appears to be
justifying, is a curious invention in the journalism
profession; perhaps it is so taught in Columbia School
of Journalism. But I know that even as children it was
drummed into our heads that two wrongs do not make a
right. I can’t imagine a so-called professional
journalist defending a wrong on the basis that others
were also doing it. The idea is simply appalling
especially from somebody charged with running a Federal
media organization in a diverse ethnic and religious
entity as Nigeria.
This type of
reasoning belongs to the lunatic fringe; it is what has
helped fueled religious crises in Nigeria – this
tit-for-tat. Or as the current musical rave, P-Square,
sings: You-do-me, I-do-you, God no go vex. This
is a formula for national catastrophe. Is he suggesting,
for example, that once hoodlums unleash their bedlam in
Kano, a city with an unenviable history of religious
motivated killings and intolerance in Nigeria, then
reprisal killings of fellow citizens in other Nigerian
cities is justified?
For the
record, we remember that Christians and non-Hausa have
been killed in Kano in the past couple of decades on the
flimsiest excuses. It is as if the people take their cue
from Kano State government’s zero-tolerance to other
religions than Islam. The government regularly
demolishes Christian churches with impunity (for
example, between April 8 and 22, 2002 seven churches
were demolished by the state government, earlier in the
same year 122 Christian schools were shut down by
government for not including Islamic religious studies
in their curriculum; Christian religious studies is
banned in government-run schools in Kano State),
riots have broken out in Kano in protest against
visiting Christian preachers (1982, 1991), Christians in
Kano have been slaughtered on the pretext of protest
against American bombing of Afghanistan and Iraq (2001,
2003: in the 2001 episode 600 Christians were reportedly
killed, 350 missing and five churches burned. Source:
New York Times), Christians were murdered and
their property destroyed in Kano by rioters protesting
the staging of a Miss World beauty pageant in Abuja
(November 2002), and Christians and non-Hausa were
killed in their hundreds in the city by rioters
protesting a newspaper cartoon published in far away
Denmark (March 2006).
If Christians
in other parts of Nigeria had reacted with mutual
killings of Muslims and Hausa at each of this genocidal
rioting in Kano, I doubt whether we will still have a
country called Nigeria today. I am aware that
there is a groundswell of opinion that the only
deterrence to the Kano menace is reprisal action. This
is the type of perverted logic Haruna wants to use to
justify his indiscretion of publishing the provocative
advertorial in 1987. But then the charge that The
Standard was doing so is a lie, else the
scrupulous Haruna, to whom no quotation or published
document, goes unnoticed would have copiously reproduced
his evidence. Secondly, if we are to believe his
fabrication that for his efforts he cooled his feet at
the State Security Service (SSS) dungeon for four days,
I wonder how The Standard, estranged as it
were from the centre of power, would have survived the
military onslaught had it even wanted to dare.
In the
published version of my rejoinder in the Daily
Trust the following paragraphed was yanked off. In
it I stated as follows: “However, as I made to go,
Mamman drew me aside and whispered to me that I should
not allow any publication from the Christian Association
of
Nigeria (CAN)
in my newspaper. Miffed at this, I reminded him that we
at The Standard had amply demonstrated in our reportage
that we were not anybody’s megaphone and that our
editorial policy was based on the principles of justice,
equality and national unity. He retorted that he only
wanted to caution me.”
Was this
paragraph edited out to allow Haruna make the point that
Christian organizations were publishing similarly
incendiary “advertisements and statements” in the
Standard?
On the
contention that he did not benefit from the outrage he
caused by this unprofessional conduct in form of
membership of the Federal Military Government delegation
to Hajj, Haruna did not provide adequate rebuttal apart
from claiming that he was detained by the SSS. Since he
spent only four days in detention the public would want
to know what happened thereafter: Did he go to Hajj that
year or not? Who footed his bills?
On the issue
of Innocent Oparadike’s ouster from the New
Nigeria shortly after the Dodon Barracks meeting, I
never said it was because he was Igbo or Christian.
Haruna should watch his presumptions and extrapolations.
This is what I said: “But to our bewilderment,
however, a couple of weeks after that meeting, Mohammed
Haruna was named a member of the Federal Government
delegation to that year’s Hajj to
Saudi Arabia.
A few months later both Mr. Oparadike and I have been
sacked as editors of our various newspapers. The import
was clear; people like Mohammed were never acting alone;
they are the cat’s-paw of powerful interests behind
ethno-religious crises in Nigeria.”
I wonder why
Haruna took the pen to write a rebuttal only to end up
agreeing with me. Was it just out of love for polemics?
But like I have said the challenge facing journalists in
our country today is far more urgent than just providing
polemical entertainment. Journalists ought to seriously
think about proffering solutions to the many problems
that bedevil this nation, most especially the recurrent
incidence of ethno-religious strife.
Mr. Ishaku
can be reached at
jishaku2@yahoo.co.uk

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|
ADAMU`S RUSTIC AMNESIA
By
Ukandi Idigar
0803261037
email:
ukandidigar@yahoo
More
than
“a tale,
told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying
nothing”,
Adamu Adamu’s
serialized piece, “Jos and Epidemic Insanity”, is
actually a treatise in imprimatur idiocy. Thus, it
couldn’t have been more scurrilous and less vulnerable
to insipid claims, incontinent pretensions, wild
guessing, nightmarish suppositions,
barefaced
lies, unworkable propositions, doomsday
models, and all the silly trappings
of a wandering essay.
The
first problem Adamu manifested here is rustic amnesia. This
accounts for the difficult,
faulty,
and cursed manner
the discourse took off. Intended to be a pedagogy
for,
and of the “oppressed” Hausa and Fulani population
in Jos, the analysis suffered still birth,
ab
initio
as the writer, with reckless abandon, created
the impression of a catch-all “epidemic insanity” in
Jos. Without really ascertaining the truth of the
situation in Plateau, Adamu chose to raise a false alarm
about Jos, a place where Adamu’s epidemic insanity” is
unheard of
because attractions abound.
It
is not altogether
strange that Adamu stepped out on his
dirty
mission with the
wrong foot. Using a falsehood as caption, the report is
basically a catalogue of lies and distortions; and a
deliberate misrepresentation of truth to mobilize
undeserved
sympathy and alms from Adamu’s sponsors and an
unsuspecting public. Adamu himself must be in a
fit of dementia to irresponsibly and shamelessly claim
and allude to “the advent of a government that would
itself be the belligerent party”, and,
continuing his mad
man’s narrative, state further that the Government of
Jonah Jang will “encourage and aid in the mass murder of
its own people as a state policy”. The truth is that the
government in power in Plateau State
anchors its policies
and programmes on a Redemption philosophy which is
catalyzed in a ten-point agenda in which security of
lives and
property
is a major highlight. And, so far, the government is not
only popular, but rated as responsible and focused in
its dutiful delivery of democracy dividends and
broad-based
approach to development. It is not surprising therefore
that the Jang administration has become a ready reference point and a
standard in public discourse especially when it comes to
do with transparency, accountability, and good
governance in the different states of the federation. A
waspish Adamu is
simply
desperately attempting to misrepresent what has been
crystal-clear,
and to impress his platoon
members that he has been able to put smear on
sepulcher
and the garrison can continue in its conceit, dishonest,
and dysfunctional elitism.
Another
stylistic element in Adamu’s anthology of tissues of
lies is ambiguity. In spite of the rapid
pace of urbanization and economic development
in
the
state, a disingenuous Adamu identifies a mythical “bunch
of sick elites”;
even when his own vituperations, false analogies and
ill-informed
appeal to emotions
betray him resplendently as a disoriented
elite
in search of direction and
relevance. Credit
goes to the robust elites in Plateau whose leadership
and initiatives over the years have
sustained the destiny of
Jos in particular, and
the status and profile of Plateau as the best place to
live in Nigerian.
For Adamu to identify “a bunch of sick
elites”
in
Plateau sounds like
a mad man who, stark naked, accused his
caretaker
of indecent
dressing!
It
is in the light of
the fore going that Adamu’s attempt to put former
governor, Chief Joshua Chibi Dariye and Governor Jonah
Jang on collision course died on arrival. As elites,
both of them have shunned such efforts at trite contrast
of their regimes as capable of slowing down the hand of
progress in Plateau. The same Jang is too polished an
elite, and
with a pedigree far too unblemished to descend into such
abysmal uncouthness and uncultured tradition of treating
his
sallah
visitors
to a war of words and ‘flaunting
of
muscles hardened by military training’.
The whole encounter between Jang and the Muslim
Ulama
as reported by Adamu
is a fabrication of his own mischievous genius. No body
with Jang’s quality of experience and savvy will so
brazenly and ill-advisedly unveil his “war” plans to his
enemies, especially on the solemn occasion of
sallah
homage. Adamu and his sponsors completely missed the
point here especially as the Muslims in Plateau will
admit with evidence and understandable warmth that Jang,
since the inception of his administration, has been
extending a hand of fellowship to all Muslim faithful as
a father of all.
It
bears, therefore, to
reiterate that Jang has no inclination or policy to
“execute (an) ethnic cleansing agenda” as maliciously
claimed by Adamu. And the writer apparently took more
than his mouth could carry by alleging that by
choosing Thursday, November
27,
2008,
as Election Day,
Jang
was being rather precipitous because “there was talk
in the air of a trap by Jang and his government for the
Hausa-Fulani to fall into”. That “air” certainly did not
circulate in Jos and Plateau; or else it was
self-immolation for the target victims not to raise
alarm but proceeded with
bizarre complicity
into a known and uncovered death trap. Or can Adamu
attribute his story to any creditable source in
Jos?
Quite
curiously, Adamu
went on as a gambler by taking a short excursion into
the universal semantics of “genocide”
- from Bosnia
to our own Rwanda
here in
Africa.
According to him, “ethnic cleansing is that
systematic policy of mass killings,
forced migration and intimidation, including the removal
of all
vestiges of
the targeted (sic) group through the destruction of
their residences, property and places of worship in
order to turn ethically mixed areas homogenous, and
thereby establishing a
de
facto
claim on ethnic
grounds to possession and ownership over disputed
territory”. The purpose of this, he contended, “is to
get rid of the owners and the issue of ownership will
never arise thereafter”. Implicitly, Adamu shot himself
on the foot by establishing that there was
no
–
and
there
has never been
-
any “genocide” or attempt of it in Jos and
Plateau State
as a
whole.
The events of November 28,
as aftermath of Local Government elections
merely typified a
fracas. Yes;
unfortunately
however,
lives were lost as
much as property
were destroyed and there was threat to peace and security. But a key
element in Adamu’s own definition of genocide was
conspicuously out of the question during the unfortunate
events: there was no “systematic policy of mass
killing”
because the government of Jonah Jang is
responsible, humane,
populist, and makes no pretensions to denigration of
humanity through blood letting, suffering, or any acts
of terrorism.
Another
ingredient of Adamu’s definition is that of “forced
migration”. As aftermath or process of the crisis Jos
and Plateau State
in general did not
experience any “forced migration”. Not even the
so-called “Hausa-Fulani” settlers
who are
fanning the bile and
guile of Adamu, and picking his bills, can claim
justifiably that there was machinery on ground to force
them to migrate. The question therefore becomes: when is
genocide? Is it any skirmish that involves the Hausa and
Fulani against any other ethnic group?
With
the foregoing unavailing in the last Jos crisis, it is
rather spurious to expect the other element of Adamu’s
definition, of making “ethnically mixed areas homogenous”. Jos is
Jos. Which is the area
under contention here and which is sought to be
homogenized? As at
press time, Jos remains home to various ethnic
nationalities in Nigeria,
including, of course, foreign nationals who appreciate
the environment,
the
people, and their culture and chose to settle here for
some legitimate reason. Given this mix of nationalities
the sociological
tapestry of Jos is unarguably heterogeneous. The
question grandstanders like Adamu avoid like a plague is
why are the Hausa and Fulani
residents
the aggressors who
are always stoking the fires of discord and
commotion?
To
answer that question is to also determine the identities
of the “466 Muslims
killed and buried” as reported by Adamu. The truth is
that some of the Hausa and Fulani in Adamu’s class of
disoriented buccaneer elites have turned the
misadventure and misdirection of some of their miscreant
faithful into a high-tech mega business. They exaggerate
reports of “ethnic malice” and “persecution” so as to
preside over welfare materials and interventionist
charity from countries and organizations. That is why
some Muslims appropriated Christian victims and corpses,
in the last riots into a mosque and forged a picture of
worshipping Muslims consumed in a state sponsored
pogrom.
It
is important to also put it to Adamu
that
he has actually done
a lopsided - and
to that extent, poor job of his investigation
and reportage. Granted that the 466 corpses Adamu
pointed to were Muslims,
were they actually of Hausa and Fulani extractions
basically?
Apart from the dissimilar Hausa and Fulani
Muslims, there are Yoruba Muslims and others of
minorities
extraction living and practising
their faith in Jos. Adamu should note that in the course
of the riots, the Hausa and Fulani insurgents unleashed
unprecedented mayhem on Yoruba and other Muslims who are
not of Hausa and Fulani “puritanity” and “originality”.
So, whose “residences” and “places of worship” were
destroyed in the Jos “genocide”?
Again,
Adamu failed to do justice to all by creating the curious
impression that only the Hausa and Fulani died in the
crisis and incurred
losses in terms of property
destroyed and homes wrecked. It is clear that
this patent bias was an act
of communion to drive the point home that one, there was
“genocide” in Jos;
and, two, that the Hausa and Fulani settlers were the
unmistakable target. As is typical of a riot properly
called, there was nothing “systematic” about it because
there was stampede everywhere. The inevitable outcome
was that casualties reflected the heterogeneous
composition of Jos; and some ethnic groups incurred even
far more losses than Adamu will report of the “more
enterprising and economically well-to-do Hausa-Fulani”
settlers.
Adamu
claimed that “when
Jang’s fake security personnel descended on Tudun Wada
Quarters, they killed every one in sight and burnt the
entire quarters down”. A very dangerous thing which is
obvious here is that Adamu is writing about a place he
does not know; and people he only perceives; and, even
more precipitately, is reporting the whole events from
the comfort of his bedroom.
The said Tudun Wada
area is about the
most densely populated town in
Jos. People of diverse backgrounds, of both Christian
and Islamic faith live here. The first thing
is
that
Adamu did not
attempt an identity of the “fake Jang’s security
personnel” several days after their “massacre” and
“obliteration” and “routing” of Tudun Wada. If it is
agreed that the “fake security personnel”
indeed
“killed every one in sight” and “burnt the entire
quarters down”, it
is to say that Jang inevitably ordered the execution of
his cherished Christian brethren as well as Muslims and
“Hausa-Fulani” living in Tudun Wada. Secondly, it
means that Tudun Wada, following the “invasion”
and “massacre”,
is now desolate,
except the debris of the carnage.
On
the contrary, Tudun
Wada area of Jos remains as lively
and bustling as
ever
-
even after the riots. In spite of the on-going dusk to
dawn curfew,
it remains a melting pot of social
activities
-
indicating that
the residents are
happy and live under no threats to their security. Or
was Adamu attempting to redefine and re-invent a Jos of
his own caprices and prejudices?
Ukandi
Idigar
can be reached on email:
ukandidigar@yahoo.The article was
originally titled imprimatur
idiocy

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VICTORY FOR YAR`ADUA:HOW
SULTAN OF SOKOTO AND EMIR OF KATSINA BROKERED A
DEAL
posted
Saturday,Dec.13
,2008
11:55pm
BY
DANLAMI NMODU
More facts are emerging about the deal that
sealed the victory for President Umaru Musa Yar`Adua.For
starters Newsdiaryonline learned that Yar`Adua himself
initiated the moves which eventually culminated in a deal
agreed to- either directly or indirectly - by the
candidates in the run-up to the Supreme Court
ruling.Atiku Abubakar the presidential candidate of the Action
Congress AC and Muhammadu Buhari of the All Nigeria People`s
Party ANPP were the opponents the president had to contend
with.From all indications, they have been formidable opponents
that required a concerted effort to overcome.But
Yar`Adua was very determined to have his way.This
unfolding revelation gives a lie to earlier speculations
that he was ready to step down if the apex ruled against
him.From fresh facts available, Yar`Adua never contemplated
stepping down.
Actually, sources said Atiku Abubakar
seemed not too difficult for Yar`Adua because they have been
closely related.Abubakar has had a well known political
association, with Yar`Adua`s elder brother the late
Shehu Musa Yar`dua.That relationship has endured even
with the entire family.So at a crunch time like this Umaru
YarAdua is believed to be tapping into the relationship.But
perfecting a deal to ensure Yar`Adua is allowed to hang on to
the presidency was not easy.A competent source said it has
taken some hard negotiations and round table meetings with
some elders from the north.Newsdiaryonline learnt that
the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammad Saad Abubakar
and the Emir of Katsina Alhaji Abdulmumini Kabir Usman
were the ones instrumental to sealing a deal especially
with Muhammadu Buhari who was seen as the most
difficult nut for Yar`Adua to crack
At the end of the negotiations it was
agreed that Yar`Adua be allowed to continue in office``it was
an agreement among the three candidates ;the reasoning is that
no room should be created for any form of anarchy in the
country now.So it was agreed at roundtable that YarAdua be
allowed to continue`` were the words of an informed
source.
Newsdiaryonline gleaned from sources
that northern leaders are concerned about losing grip on power
and they are determined to ensure all forms of compromise to
keep power.A source revealed that one of the issues at
the back of the minds of northern elders now is the well known
issue of the president`s illness.Newsdiaryonline
sources insist that northern leaders are very concerned
about what may happen in case YarAdua dies in power.Though
they are not praying for him to die but there is a growing
agreement among hawks from the north that Goodluck Jonathan
should not be allowed to succeed Yar Adua if he dies in
office.It must however be stated that there are moderate
northerners who are also insisting that if the president dies,
Goodluck must be allowed to step in as the constitution
stipulates.``I will be among the first set of people to
campaign for Goodluck Jonathan ``one of such northern
activists told newsdiaryonline recently
But those involved in the negotiation to
keep YarAdua in office are said to be hoping that he survives
till the end of his first term in 2011.An insider told
newsdiaryonline that there has been an agreement
among the negotiators that ``If YarAdua does not die, he
should be allowed to complete his term``.But the president has
insisted he is healthy enough to run the presidency
successfully.That must be encouraging music to the ears
of his supporters.
One of the conditions given by all the
candidates in the 2007 presidential poll before agreeing to
let YarAdua be is that the next presidential
election must be properly conducted.It must be seen to be free
and fair and must reflect the popular wish of the people, the
candidates told the negotiators.It was also said that
President Yar`Adua offered a carrot to the candidates , as he
is said to be prepared to offset the campaign bills of the
candidates if they so wish.It is not known if any of the
candidates accepted the carrot.
Newsdiaryonline learnt that Buhari
actually did not attend what is said to be the round
table meetings initiated by Yar`Adua.But after consultations
with those believed to be stakeholders ,it was resolved that
the Sultan of Sokoto,Alhaji Muhammad Saad Abubakar and the
Emir of Katsina, Alhaji Abdulmumini Kabir Usman should
meet with General Buhari.It was not immediately clear if these
leaders from the north also met with former Vice President
Abubakar.But it is well known that Yar`Adua has
been in close communication with Abubakar.Although they have
political differences, the former vice president has always
insisted that his personal relation with YarAdua has been
cordial.
The choice of emissary to Buhari was well
thought out.The Sultan is the spiritual head of Nigerian
Muslims.In religious and political calculations, the Sultan
has remained through history very influential in Nigeria,
especially so on political matters.General Buhari also from
Katsina State like president Yar`Adua.It is unlikely for
any politician from the North not to listen to the Sultan.And
Buhari is most unlikely not to listen to any pleadings from
the Emir of Katsina as well.So it was a super choice aimed at
giving Yar`Adua instant result .And the strategy worked very
well, according to an insider. A prominent member of the Arewa
Consultative Forum ACF revealed that ,``these two leaders-
Sultan and Emir of Katsina are the ones he (Buhari)respects
highly.``He told newdiaryonline that the duo in deed met
Buhari and they were really useful in the lobby to sway the
candidates for Yar`Adua.
Newsdiaryonline sources indeed
confirmed that the sultan and the emir eventually held a
meeting with Buhari.But Buhari seemed lived up to his billing
as a tough man as he was said not to have offered much .The
ANPP candidate simply told the sultan and the emir according
to a source that ``whatever the elders agreed to do, he would
abide by it.``Buhari reportedly added a proviso to his
agreement with the elders.He conceded to go along with the
northern leaders` decision provided they secure assurances
from Yar`Adua that next time there would be no rigging
of elections.
Interestingly, the duo of Abubakar and
Buhari have reacted with some measured anger to the
supreme court ruling which gave victory to Yar`Adua.By a
margin of 4 to 3, the justices dismissed Buhari`s
case.Abubakar`s case suffered the worst defeat as 6 out
of the 7 justices ruled against Abubakar.
The former vice president who said he would
accept the verdict however launched into political- speak in
another breath as he added that the nation has lost an
opportunity to entrench democracy.Abubakar`s subtle protest
seems strange because he had actually strangely issued a
statement practically conceding defeat even before the apex
court delivered its verdict.Abubakar`s statement was the first
hint that some secret deals might have been perfected ahead of
the apex court verdict.General Buhari interesting said having
gotten to the supreme court, he would accept the ruling but he
added that he would never agree with the verdict.
With victory in the kitty , president
YarAdua is set to travel out of the country.It was learnt that
the trip may be christened a holiday or annual leave.But
insiders insist it is in deed a medical trip.``I just hope the
president this time around will make an official statement
saying he is going on a medical trip so as to assure
everyone.If he makes it secretive without a
statement, that will give rise to speculations again and I
think that will be unfortunate `` were the words of an ACF
member Saturday night.He said the president is likely to
travel out within the next one week if things go
according to plans.

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YAR`ADUA SACKS YAR`ADUA
Posted Tuesday Jan.13,
2009
President Umaru Musa Yar`Adua has sacked the Group
Managing Director of Nigeria National Petroleum
Corporation ,NNPC, Alhaji Abubakar Yar`Adua.The sacked
GMD was appointed after the president ascended the
presidency in 2007.
Already, a new GMD has equally been appointed.He is
Mohammed Sanusi Barkindo.The new GMD is believed to be a
confidant and some would even say crony -of Dr Rilwan
Lukman who was also recently reappointed the Petroleum
affairs minister.
This shakeup in the nation`s cash-cow came in a day
the president also reconstituted his economic team.It
goes without saying that the nation`s overdependence on
oil may turn out to be a major mistake in the light of
the new global situation especially the increasing move
by developed countries to seek alternative energy
sources.Even the instability in the oil market makes
diversification of the economy more compelling.

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