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NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SEADOGS (NAS) CONDEMNS RIBADU`S DISMISSAL

AGAIN ,EX-SENATE PRESIDENT NNAMAMI TACKLES NIGERIA`S INEC BOSS ,MAURICE IWU
CNN MULTICHOICE AFRICAN JOURNALIST AWARDS 2009
United Nations Worried Over Nigeria's Donation To Myanmar
NAS International in Ireland Donates Duvets to the Homeless
OBASANJO ABANDONS HIS FOOT SOLDIERS
Fake Priest in EFCC net
NIGERIA`S ALLEGED SUSPENSION FROM THE EGMONT GROUP: EFCC  CLEARS THE AIR
EFCC Arraigns ICAN Boss Over N7m Fraud

EFCC Arraigns Four Over N10million Fake Currency

EFCC ARRAIGNS LG CHAIRMAN, FOUR  OTHERS OVER    N114.5M  FRAUD
Impersonation: EFCC Nabs Fraudster
Yuguda to marry Yar’adua’s daughter January 24
EFCC DECLARES EL-RUFAI WANTED
Gani Rejects National Honour
DUMP SAM EGWU NOW! CISLAC TELLS SENATORS
National Standard’s Outstanding Persons of the Year
Turai Yar’Adua: Aso Rock’s most influential power broker
Nigeria: Arbitrary Killings by Security Forces in Jos
NYAKO`S HOUSE OF DISHARMONY
PEOPLE ARE BEING UNFAIR TO BELLO TUKUR
HARUNA’S APOLOGIA
ADAMU`S RUSTIC AMNESIA
VICTORY FOR YAR`ADUA:HOW SULTAN OF SOKOTO AND EMIR OF KATSINA BROKERED A DEAL
YAR`ADUA SACKS YAR`ADUA

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SEADOGS (NAS) CONDEMNS RIBADU`S DISMISSAL

The National Association of Seadogs (NAS) condemns the dismissal of the former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Mr. Nuhu Ribadu from the Police force as unconstitutional and a flagrant abuse of the judicial process.

We are all witnesses to the uncanny ways the government has gone about scripting what is now well known as the Ribadu Saga. First, the Attorney-General did all he could to frustrate the prosecution of alleged corrupt politicians by EFCC under Ribadu. Curiously, Mr. Andooaka, the nation’s Chief Law Officer, later became the defender-in-chief or spokesperson or both to these politicians of alleged tainted profile. Subsequently, when Ribadu was forced on a “refresher” course at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) Kuru, Plateau State, it was obvious to all right thinking persons that the death knell had been pronounced on the war against corruption. But the Inspector General of the Nigeria Police, Mr. Mike Okiro falsely explained it away as a routine exercise designed to improve the lot of Mr. Ribadu and the Police.

Okiro, however, failed to provide a justifiable reason why a police officer, on leave of absence and on a political appointment with the Federal Government as chairman of EFCC, should be recalled and posted arbitrarily without recourse to the President, whose office by virtue of section 3, sub-section 2 of the EFCC Act (2004), is vested with the sole power to remove the EFCC chairman, and indeed any other member of the Commission, from office.

Thereafter, things were propelled into more frenzy and bizarre sub-plots. A few months after his questionable posting, Nuhu Ribadu was demoted from the rank of Assistant Inspector General (AIG) of Police to Deputy Commissioner (DC) of Police on the grounds that his special promotion by the erstwhile President, Olusegun Obasanjo, was a breach of section 153 of the Police Service Commission Act of 2001.  Mallam Ribadu then went to court to challenge his demotion, a move which the Nigeria Police Force, championed by the Inspector General (IG) of Police, Mike Okiro, did not take lightly.

The Police have continued to maintain that Ribadu, being a serving member of the force, does not have the right under sections 352 and 357 of the Police Act (2004) to take legal action against the police without seeking permission first from the IG.

It may be interesting to note that one of the two fallouts of Ribadu’s supposed infraction was the high drama on Saturday, November 22 at the NIPSS graduation ceremony, where Ribadu and his family were forcefully evicted from the graduation hall, and he was arrested and later released. The other fallout, the Force Disciplinary Committee (FDC), set up by Mr Okiro to determine and recommend the punitive measures to be taken against Ribadu had already concluded its sitting and submitted its recommendations to the IG who then awaited the approval of the Police Service Commission. And going by the leaks, it did not require any clairvoyant skills to predict that Ribadu’s days in the police were numbered. His dismissal therefore became the dénouement of the Ribadu Saga.

However, it must be pointed out that the saga of Nuhu Ribadu is a manifestation of a rotten system, bereft of sound policy grounding, that allows for procedural abuses as that of the former President Olusegun Obasanjo to by-pass constitutional provision of the Police Service Commission with the statutory duty, among others, to promote members of the Nigeria Police Force, to give Ribadu accelerated and special promotion. It should also be pointed out that the PSC was not yet constituted when the President made the promotion.

Undoubtedly, Ribadu had his limitations. Some claim that the commission under his leadership was selective in its war against economic saboteurs. There have also been several accusations that Ribadu, at certain points during the Obasanjo Administration, was a political instrument in the hands of the President and allegedly the hatchet man against Obasanjo’s perceived enemies. Moreover, he did himself and the commission a lot of disservice by the brazen manner he went about his business without recourse to the law in some situations. Nigerians will not forget in a hurry the way the EFCC under his command hounded a handful of members of the state legislature to impeach Governors that were not in the good books of the former president.

The consensus however is that the EFCC under Ribadu’s leadership did show strong commitment in tackling endemic financial crimes. He did an excellent job and posed a serious threat to very powerful and dishonest cabal. Not surprisingly, the cabal regrouped and regained power and influence in a regime that consistently pledged to scale up the fight against corruption. It is therefore clear for all to see that the government’s so-called fight against corruption is tainted and deeply flawed. The government, thus, carries a moral burden because it is already perceived, by majority of Nigerians, as a willing tool in the hands of the regrouped recidivists on a revenge mission.

NAS agrees with all well meaning Nigerians that the reasons proffered by the Police Service Commission for Ribadu’s demotion lacked merit because Ribadu’s promotion was made before the Commission was inaugurated. As an aggrieved citizen, Ribadu has every constitutional right to seek redress of a perceived wrong in the court of law, and his right to sue the police is guaranteed by section 6 of the 1999 Constitution. The constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is supreme. The cloak of the Police Act under which both the AG and IG hide to unleash assault on the psyche and sensibility of the citizens of Nigeria is subordinate to the Nigerian constitution.

 

Interestingly, one of the reasons the Police Service Commission has given for the dismissal Ribadu from the Police Force was his failure to appear before the Force Disciplinary Committee (FDC). NAS position is that the Force Disciplinary Committee, which the police expected Ribadu to appear before it and make representation, is without legal foundation because it was set up to adjudicate on a matter that is already in court and therefore its recommendations are null and void.

 

It goes without saying that the judiciary is a key kernel of democracy. Is it not ironic that a government that proclaims the rule of law as its mainstay cannot be patient and allow the courts to be the final arbiter in the Ribadu conundrum, rather than the blind rush to dismiss him? We are, however, optimistic that the same judiciary that gave President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua reprieve at the Supreme Court on the last elections will have the final say in the case of Nuhu Ribadu.

It important to mention that the World Bank recently announced Ribadu as one of the winners of the 2008 Jit Gill Memorial Award for Outstanding Public Service in recognition of his courageous anti-corruption drive in Nigeria, as Head of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

It is worthwhile to mention that 13th International Anti-Corruption Conference in Athens, Greece in November 2008 deeply expressed its concern over the fate of Ribadu and the Government of Nigeria and on all governments worldwide to ensure the protection of those speaking out against corruption.

A United Nation project co-ordinator  on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Oliver Stolpe, recently linked Nigeria’s present poor business environment to high level of corruption which is predominately responsible for the  country ranking  121  in the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) by Transparency International and 148th position in the World Bank’s ‘Doing business’ report.

The government is certainly aware that past Nigerian leaders who held various public offices in the last four decades looted an estimated $100 billion (about N12. 25 trillion). Ribadu puts the amount looted or wasted at over 380 billion dollars since independence in 1960. This no doubt is a monumental waste.

We wish to declare that this figure, indisputably conceals a much more devastating reality of the damage corruption has caused us as a people. Corruption has robbed our children of their future.  It has deprived our generation of opportunities for development in critical sectors of the economy like Education, Healthcare, Power, Infrastructural development, and at the same time, enthroning core value system that form the bedrock of a just and egalitarian society.

It has been argued by renowned scholars globally that corruption is intrinsically linked to underdevelopment hence we as a people must act collectively to eradicate all traces of corruption in our country. In this regard, it is heartrending that despite the over a trillion Naira received from the Federation Account by immediate past governors of the Niger Delta, unrest, armed insurrection (which now threatens the economy of this country) and abject poverty are still widespread in the region. In fact, one of the states in the region has spent over N80billion on a dubious power project, yet vast parts of the state including its capital is in perpetual darkness. It is worthwhile to state that instances of economically ineffectual projects like this abound all over the country.

Perhaps, Ribadu is a metaphor.  It would be recalled that shortly after the current EFCC boss, Mrs. Farida Waziri, was appointed by this administration in May 2008, no fewer than 12 EFCC experienced top investigators were shown the way out of the Commission. Those who were lucky were later reassigned to the states whose governors they had investigated. We feel this is a major setback for the anti-corruption drive. There are lots of other Ribadus out there who in different capacities have suffered so much for serving the motherland faithfully. The larger implication of the Ribadu witch-hunting is that in future, it would be difficult for his rare courage and candour to be replicated by the younger generation for fear of the same fate befalling them.

For this singular reason, human rights lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN), has rejected the National honour of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR) conferred on him by the Federal Government. His unequivocal justification for the rejection is that he accused the government of covertly and overtly encouraging corruption and the endless persecution of Ribadu.

NAS calls for immediate reinstatement of Ribadu to the Police force pending the outcome of the matter in court. We also implore the federal government to restrain its officials from further humiliation, molestation and harassment of Mallam Ribadu who at the risk of his life and that of his family had displayed an uncommon courage to combat the scourge of corruption in Nigeria.

Whilst wishing Nigerians the best in the yelutide season, NAS implores Nigerians to be watchful and jealously guard our fledgling democracy.

EMMANUEL BASSEY

PRESIDENT, NAS INTERNATIONAL

December 30, 2008.                                                                                                                      

AGAIN ,EX-SENATE PRESIDENT NNAMAMI TACKLES NIGERIA`S INEC BOSS, MAURICE IWU

Posted Tuesday Jan.13, 2009  10:41PM

Former Senate President Ken Nnamani has further taken Maurice Iwu, the Chairman of Independent National electoral Commission to the cleaners.Nnamani in a statement on Tuesday described the 2007 polls as the most incompetent ,banal and criminal election in Nigerian history.

Nnamani was apparently reacting to a statement from INEC which reportedly accused him of turning against Iwu  after his allegedly failed attempts to influence INEC to postpone the 2007 polls so that he (Nnamani) could have emerged as interim PresideNt after President Olusegun Obasanjo`s tenure expired in 2007.

The former senate president`s statement last night in reaction to INEC`s allegation read thus: “My attention has been drawn to a statement by Mr.
Andy Ezeani, the Chair Press Secretary to the Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC), on behalf of the Chairman of the Commission, Prof. Maurice Iwu,
that I criticized the Chairman of the Commission because he (Chairman) turned down
my request that the 2007 elections be postponed so that I can exploit the
constitutional crisis that will ensue from such postponement to become ING
president.

“This statement is simply fiction. It does not stand the scrutiny of facts and
logics. It is a product of a fevered imagination of a man who has set himself on a
course against his country. There is no Constitutional provision for an Interim
National Government (ING).

“And a man of my modest mastery of the Nigerian Constitution could not be
entertaining a vain wish of heading an illusory and unconstitutional interim
national government. Unlike Professor Maurice Iwu I don’t live in fantasyland. I
don’t fight with the reality. I respect constitutional limits.”

Nnamani who became rather unsparing made further scathing remarks as he said the 2007 polls were , “the most incompetent, banal and criminal election in Nigerian
history.”

He asked further questions as he sought to know those who benefitted from the last minute contracts in those heady days.He said Iwu`s leadership was a monster that needed to be tackled for the nation to move forward.                                                                                                                                      

CNN MULTICHOICE AFRICAN JOURNALIST AWARDS 2009

CNN International and MultiChoice this week officially launched the CNN MultiChoice African Journalist 2009 Awards. The winners of these prestigious annual Awards will be announced at a gala ceremony to be held in Durban , South Africa in July 2009.

Tony Maddox, Executive Vice President and Managing Director of CNN International, said: “The CNN MultiChoice African Journalist Awards, now in its fourteenth year, truly represents the very best in journalism from across the African continent. It is an annual privilege to pay tribute to such a wide range of talented individuals, all of whom have unique and compelling stories to tell, and to join in the celebration of their abilities.”

Nolo Letele, CEO MultiChoice South Africa, said: “A thriving, independent and authentic media continues to play a major role in building democracies on the African continent. We are therefore delighted to once again partner with CNN, in recognising and celebrating media excellence with the CNN MultiChoice African Journalist of the Year 2009 Awards.”

Eben Greyling, President of MultiChoice Africa, said: “We are very proud to once again partner with CNN to recognise and encourage excellence in journalism in Africa . These awards recognise and celebrate the hard work, the talent, the sacrifice and the dedication that the finest African journalists deliver. As a company committed to the growth of media on the continent we strongly believe in supporting the development of African journalists.”

Hopewell Rugoho-Chin’ono, from Zimbabwe , was awarded the top prize at the CNN MultiChoice African Journalist 2008 Awards ceremony. Hopewell, founder and film director for Television International, Zimbabwe, won for his story ‘Pain in My Heart’, which was chosen from among 1912 entries from a record 44 nations across the African continent.

Hopewell Rugoho-Chin’ono said: “Winning the CNN Multichoice African Journalist of the Year award was the highlight of my career. I work in a very difficult country which is not comfortable with free speech. The award gave me protection from harassment, since it raised my profile. Professionally it opened new doors and has turned me into an international correspondent with offers coming from major international broadcasters. The recognition has also given me the faith and the zeal to encourage my fellow journalists in Zimbabwe , who have told me countless times that they felt hopeless but now feel that they can also compete on the international journalistic platform. Personally, I felt humbled meeting respected international broadcasting journalists and to hear them say they admire my work. It gave me the impetus to carry on with my work each time I felt low, due to the working conditions in my country.”

Over the past fourteen years, the competition has grown in size and status to become Africa ’s most prestigious media event. In 2008, it attracted a record-number of entries from 44 African countries and a ‘Highlights Programme’ of the ceremony, held in Accra , Ghana , was broadcast in 41 African countries, on the Africa Channel in the US , OBE TV in the UK and RTP Africa.

This year, the competition will recognise excellence in the following categories:

· Tourism Award
· Arts and Culture Award
· Economics & Business Award
· Environment Award sponsored by Ecobank
· Free Press Africa Award
· MSD Health & Medical Award
· HIV/AIDS Reporting in Africa
· Mohamed Amin Photographic Award sponsored by A24 Media
· Print General News Award sponsored by Safebond Africa Ltd.
· Radio General News Award
· Sport Award sponsored by Global Media Alliance
· Television – Features Award sponsored by IPP Media Tanzania
· Television – News Bulletin Award
· Francophone General News Awards (Print and TV/Radio)
· Portuguese Language General News Award

From these category winners, the judges choose the overall winner - The CNN MultiChoice African Journalist 2009.

Finalists in the 2009 competition will participate in a four day finalists’ programme that will include a media forum and networking opportunities with senior journalists, editors, business leaders and media owners from across the continent, culminating in a gala awards ceremony in July, 2009. Each category winner receives a cash prize, plus laptop and printer. The CNN MultiChoice African Journalist 2009 will receive an additional cash prize and a trip to CNN Center in Atlanta .

The competition is open to African nationals who are professional journalists including freelancers across print, television, internet, photographic and radio. Full details on how to enter can be found by logging on at www.cnn.com/africanawards. The closing date for entries is 16th February, 2009 and the judging will take place in April. All entries should be broadcast or published during January – December 2008.

Note to Editors:

Judging of the entries will take place in April by a prestigious panel and includes: Azubuike Ishiekwene, Executive Director, Punch Nigeria Limited; Ferial Haffajee, Editor-in-Chief, Mail & Guardian, South Africa; Joel Kibazo, Journalist and Media Consultant; Arlindo Lopes, Secretary General of SABA – Southern African Broadcasting Association; Sophie Ly Sow, Regional Communications Officer for Oxfam/West Africa; Kim Norgaard, CNN’s Johannesburg Bureau Chief, Brahima Ouedraogo, Senior Radio Reporter/Producer, Radio Nationale du Burkina and Anna Umbima, journalist and broadcaster. Filipe Correi de Sá, Senior Producer at BBC World Service will help judge the Portuguese-speaking category.

www.cnn.com/africanawards

Issued: 12th January 2009

For further information please contact:

CNN International London : Joel Brown + 44 20 7693 0967 joel.brown@turner.com

MultiChoice South Africa : Marilyn Watson + 27 11 289 3062 mwatson@multichoice.co.za

MultiChoice Africa : Caroline Creasy + 27 11 289 3081 ccreasy@multichoice.co.za                             

United Nations Worried Over Nigeria's Donation To Myanmar
From Laolu Akande  ,New York                 The Guardian

NIGERIA'S donation of a whopping $500,000 to the military junta in Myanmar few weeks ago is raising questions at the United Nations Secretariat in New York. An official of the Presidency arrived New York two days to Christmas to deliver the check at a hurriedly put together bilateral meeting between the Nigerian Ambassador, Prof. Joy Ugwu, and her Myanmar counterpart at the UN building.

But for the invitation to few members of the UN press, the event would have passed unnoticed and branded a secret deal. Even Nigeria's former Foreign Affairs Minister who is a UN's top official on Myanmar was not aware of the donation. A source at the Nigerian mission disclosed that even top Nigerian diplomats at the UN could could not explain the transaction any better than, that the whole affair was an "order from the headquarters (Abuja)."

Professor Ogwu only said that the money was Nigeria's own contribution to the "ongoing relief efforts in the country, following the devastation caused by cyclone Nargis in May 2008," in Myanmar.

But observers are however wondering why Nigeria's own contribution came some six months after the tragedy and why a presidency official had to be specifically detailed to deliver the cheque instead of any of the senior Nigerian diplomats in New York. The other question is why the Federal Government chose to make the money directly available to the Myanmar government when the UN had set up a special fund to warehouse international donations to help victims of the Myanmar cyclone.

Media reports quoted Ambassador Joy Ogwu as saying UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, Nigeria's Professor Ibrahim Gambari had no role to play in the donation. Gambari's office at the UN also confirmed this saying he "had no prior knowledge of this transaction or the motive, if any, on the part of the Nigerian Government," adding however that Professor Gambari does not object to the donation

A reporter with Inner City Press in New York, Lee reported that, "Nigeria gave its money directly, in US dollars, and apparently with no requirement to report back on how the funds are used. This is the type of hard currency for which Senior General Than Shwe is desperate." He wrote that Nigeria would be seen to be supporting a military dictator by making such a donation "with no strings attached."

On ther hand, some transparency and accountability on how the money would be spent would have been possible had the money been donated through the United Nations. When contacted for comments, a top Nigerian diplomat simply said the Foreign Affairs Ministry wanted the money to be handed over to Myanmar directly.

Why Nigeria would seek to please one of the few remaining military tyranny in the world is an issue that baffles many at the UN. A retired top Nigerian diplomat who had represented the country at the UN said it is simply shocking that Nigeria would do such a thing without passing through the normal diplomatic channels of the United Nations, since it was the UN that had called for international support to Myanmar.

The Abuja dole is coming at when the the UN and the global community are telling the Myanmar military dictator to move faster with democratic reforms. For instance, the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon has postponed plans to visit the place and there are no scheduled visits in the foreseeable future by the UN Special Envoy Gambari, who has been working round the clock to advance democratic reforms in Myanmar.

Ki-Moon said last month at the UN that he was "disappointed by the unwillingness of the government of Myanmar (Burma) to deliver on its promises for democratic dialogue and the release of political prisoners."

By donating half a million bucks to Myanmar and doing it without the knowledge of the UN, Nigeria may be indirectly courting the enmity of those in the international community who are insisting that an iron hand be applied on the Myanmar dictatorship. The timing of the donation according to a source is also an indication, of "bad planning" by the Foreign Affairs Ministry in view of mounting international against the military junta in Myanmar.

One report said that there are as many as 112 former heads of state and government from more than 50 countries urging the UN scribe to help to secure the release of all Burmese political prisoners by the end of the year 2008.

Led by Kjell Magne Bondevik, the former prime minister of Norway, the group told Ki-Moon that, "If the Burmese junta continues to defy the United Nations by refusing to make these releases by the end of the year (2008 ), we urge you to encourage the Security Council to take further concrete action to implement its call for the release of all political prisoners."

The Federal Government of Nigeria made its donation of half a million dollars to Myanmar less than two weeks after these world leaders called for Security Council action against the Myanmar dictatorship.

What is more, the White House, last month, issued a statement urging the international community and the United Nations not to remain silent to oppressive, anti-democratic measures of the Burmese junta. The statement by Press Secretary Dana Perino, said "Brave Burmese patriots such as Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, and Htay Kywe were among those who have been sentenced to 65 years imprisonment for their peaceful participation in the August 2007 protests, in which Burmese citizens, including monks and activists, called on the regime to address the basic needs of the Burmese people."

At the donation on December 23, Prof Ugwu said Nigeria took the "opportunity to express our unflinching solidarity with the government and people of Myanmar for the concrete actions being taken to address the sitution"- referring to the cyclone tragedy. There are also those who see the gesture as part of Nigeria's support of the South to South Integration at the UN, which seek to encourage stronger ties among the less developed countries of the world.                                                                                                                                         

NAS International in Ireland Donates Duvets to the Homeless

                                        posted Sunday Jan.4,2009

Newsdiaryonline has learnt that in December last year,the National Association of Seadogs (NAS) International ,Ireland Chapter donated over 50 duvets to the homeless in the care of the Dublin Simon Community. The presentation was made in the Dublin Simon Community’s Detox and Rehab Unit in Island House in Usher's Island, Dublin 6.This was contained in a press statement emailed by NAS Interenational,Ireland.According to the statement ,the Ireland chapter of NAS made the donation specifically on Friday December  19th,2008

Mr. Muyiwa Ilori, the President of NAS International Ireland, said: “every year our organisation embarks on charity project worldwide. And this year, the Ireland chapter, decided to keep the homeless and less privileged warm, through this charitable project we tagged ‘operation buy one duvet for the homeless.’  We believe that in doing this we are also showing our appreciation to a society that has given so much to foreigners. Ireland has given us so much and it is our turn now to give back by giving to the less privileged within the Irish society.”

He then went further to add: “In our Association we think and act for the community of man and in every society that we find ourselves we have positively touched the lives of those who lack access and those who are isolated. In Nigeria we have funded the education of children in isolated leprosy settlement. In the UK we have sensitized recluse AIDS sufferers to become our partners in combating HIV infections, to just mention a few. It is this story of goodwill and love that Ireland chapter of NAS is spreading in Ireland.”

While receiving the donations on behalf of the Dublin Simon Community, Katie Madden, Assistant Fundraising Officer, said: “The Dublin Simon Community greatly appreciate this very kind donation. It is heart-warming to know that there are so many people who care about the cause of the Dublin Simon Community, which is to bring an end to homelessness in Dublin.” Ms Madden further said the duvets would make a huge difference to “our clients who experience the ruthless nature of the current economic climate more than most.”

And a few minutes after the presentation some of the duvets were distributed immediately to clients while others, according to Ms Madden, were given out over the Christmas.

Present at the presentation were: from officials of the Dublin Simon Community: Katie Madden-Fundraising Department, Sandra Fox- Tenancy Sustainment, Vanessa Vaughan- Head of Emergency Shelters, Sandra (client from Detox), Brenda (the Nursing Manager) and Majella (Head of Special Services), and from the members of the National Association of Seadogs: Muyiwa Ilori, Tony Egwele, Peter Anny-Nzekwue, Henry Malaka, Jude Ogida and Yemi Ayankoya.

After the formal presentation of the duvets they then proceeded to the Night Shelter unit for the presentation of a certificate to the National Association of Seadogs Ireland chapter in recognition of their kind gesture to The Dublin Simon Community. Ms Sandra Fox, who presented the Certificate to the President of NAS International Ireland on behalf of the Dublin Simon Community, thanked members of NAS for their kind gesture and for choosing Dublin Simon Community out of many other charity organizations for the donation, and expressed the willingness of the Dublin Simon Community to partner the National Association of Seadogs in any other charitable activities.

About National Association of Seadogs (NAS)

National Association of Seadogs (NAS), also known as Pyrates Confraternity, is a Nigerian charitable organization dedicated to humanitarian and charitable endeavours within Nigeria and anywhere in the world. It was founded by Professor Wole Soyinka, Nobel laureate, and six others in 1952. NAS has branches in Nigeria, Ireland, South Africa, United Kingdom, Japan, The Netherlands, Canada and the United States of America.                                   http://www.nas-int.org/                                                                                                                

OBASANJO ABANDONS HIS FOOT SOLDIERS

posted Tuesday Dec 30, 2008

At the peak of his tenure  as president,Olusegun Obasanjo used them as attack dogs.Nasir el rufai, Nuhu Ribadu and Femi Fani-Kayode are names Nigerians will not forget in a hurry.

As minister of the Federal Capital Territory,el Rufai took on the lowly and the mighty in his bid to execute the mandate given to him by President Olusegun Obasanjo.He eventually earned the sobriquet, the bulldozer for his fearless demolition exercise meant to ensure strict compliance with the Abuja master pan.On the political scene,he tackled former Vice President Atiku Abubakar as part of his boss` plan to checkmate Abubakar

On  that political score ,he seemed to be working with Nuhu Ribadu who as chairman of EFCC provided the weapon to nail Abubakar and to stop General Ibrahim Babangida among others from contesting election into the presidency.Femi Fani Kayode was in a class of his own as he took on all perceived enemies of Obasanjo.He was the quintessential attack dog.Despite the courageous efforts of Ribadu in fighting corruption, his critics always refer to this point as one of his weaknesses.

Curiously their former boss appears to have handed his mean over to the new hawks to devour.Today  the tide has changed.Obasanjo`s boys are in trouble.Ribadu has been dismissed from service.The EFCC has declared el Rufai wanted; the outcome of a senate probe against him is till outstanding and Fani Kayode too, is undergoing pains .But OBJ is not available to help.There has not even been a public statement so far ,from Obasanjo  in defence of his accelerated promotion of Ribadu whom he praised so well while promoting him to AIG.

Those keeping a close tab on the unfolding events revealed to newsdiaryonline that they have discovered that Obasanjo whom these men served so well has abandoned them."You cannot believe that he has not even called Ribadu to express sympathy with him in the light of his unfolding travails",a source revealed.Even Fani Kayode has not received any sympathy calls from Obasanjo."I hope he will call them soon, because that will be unfair to his boys who served him.I am not an admirer of Fani Kayode ,but I sympathise with him because he did all that he did believing he was serving a good leader.But it appears Obasanjo has betrayed them" a source added

Not many insiders will be surprised with this twist of events.In fact ,there are those who have said that the travails of Ribadu and el Rufai may have been instigated by Obasanjo who told President YarAdua much earlier not to trust them.Obasanjo`s  anger was that these men worked to undermine his third term plot and also shattered all his sucession plot.Left for  Obasanjo, Peter Odili ,former governor of Rivers State would  be YarAdua`s vice president.But Ribadu and el rufai who saw through the sinister plot shot that plan down and convinced Yar`Adua to pick Goodluck Jonathan.

Even more ,Obasanjo` betrayal of his men is not new.EL rufai was pencilled down for appointment as energy minister, Fani Kayode too had been assured of ministerial offer under Yar`Adua  and Ribadu was expected to emerge as Inspector General of Police.But reports said the former president was instrumental to Yar`Adua`s failure to honour his promise to Obasanjo`s boys  because the former president betrayed them when it mattered most.Fani Kayode`s woes may have mounted because he allegedly expressed his unhappiness with Obasanjo and all he said got to the former president`s ears.Fani Kayode`s mortal sin was that he failed to approve final payment for  a multi million naira deal in his last days as minister of aviation.                                                                  

Fake Priest in EFCC net

Posted Tuesday Dec.30,2008

A fake priest, Herbert Chukwu who specialises in duping donors of foreign currencies has been arrested by Operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC.

His arrest followed petitions from Reverend Fathers Anthony E. Eze and Felix Nwatu of Bigard Memorial Seminary, Enugu and the Vicentians of St. Vincent DePaul House all in Enugu accusing the suspect of using their names and place of worship to defraud certain people outside the Country.

The impostor who hails from Ituku in Awgu Local Government Area of Enugu State was trailed for sometime before he was arrested on Sunday 14th December 2008 at Sacred Heart Seminary, Osude. He was said to have impersonated the Priests at various times in a bid to obtain Money from their unsuspecting friends abroad under False Pretences. He was also said to have had access to the post office keys of Bigard Seminary, Scared Heart Seminary, Osude and The Vincentians all in Enugu which he used to intercept and reply their mails while impersonating the different priests without their knowledge.

Herbert, a graduate of the Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka, and working with a private firm had scanned pictures of a burnt building and a car which he sent to friends of the Reverend Fathers claiming that his house and car got burnt. He told them that he had nothing on him, and that they should contact their other friends to raise some money for him to re-build his house and church that were raised to ashes on the 15th December 2007.
Rev. Fr. Eze in his petition said he got to know about the activities of Herbert through one of his friends in the United States who had called him to sympathize with him over his predicament.

In the several letters recovered from e-mails that he sent to friends of the Reverend fathers across the world, Herbert claimed that it was his sole responsibility to replace the burnt building and since he could not get help from Nigeria he had to depend on them to help him. He also claimed that he had already contacted an architect who told him that the building will cost about 11,650 US Dollars to re-build.

In another mail that he sent in the name of a priest at the St. Vincentians, he had claimed that he was lying critically ill at a hospital and needed the Congregation to raise some money for him in order to pay his hospital bills as he claimed that he could not afford three square meal any more.

In the cause of investigations, it was discovered that Herbert had already received two different cheques of fifty dollars each from two foreigners who are friends of Father Eze. According to him, he sent back one because he couldn’t cash it but the second cheque was found with him despite the fact that he couldn’t cash it too. He was also about receiving the sum of five hundred dollars that was already raised for him by friends of Father Eze through Electronic Money Transfer when he ran out of luck.

Several letters belonging to the priests that he had intercepted were recovered from him including some international passports, deposit and withdrawal vouchers with fake names.

While making his statement under caution, he confessed to the crime. He said he just needed the money to help himself.

Femi Babafemi

Head, Media & Publicity

30/12/08                                                                                                                                   

NIGERIA`S ALLEGED SUSPENSION FROM THE EGMONT GROUP: EFCC CLEARS THE AIR                                              
 Posted Sunday Nov.30,2008

Femi Babafemi, spokesman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission has stoutly refuted media reports  that the Nigeria Financial Intelligence Unit, NFIU has been suspended from the Egmont group. According to him, this report is misleading and embedded in falsehood as Nigeria has not been suspended from the Egmont group.

His words:``What might have been misinterpreted, albeit mischievously, by the reporter is a routine development in Financial Intelligence Units, (FIUs) across the world whenever there is a change of leadership at the FIU. In the case of Nigeria Financial Intelligence Unit, (NFIU), the Unit was not suspended from the membership of Egmont Group. Instead a precautionary step was taken to deny the former Head of the NFIU  access to the anti-money laundering site while the new boss of the NFIU completes his documentation with the global body.``

Babafemi said  ``that the site is a secured one where sensitive information on on-going investigations is made available to the NFIU and as such cannot be left unprotected.``

As he explained further ``the Egmont Group is a global body whose relationship with member countries is institution based and not built around individuals.In the last one year, at least four countries which had faced a similar transition had also experienced the same development. This misleading report further underscores the need for the media to always crosscheck and confirm information especially on technical issues like this before going to press.

According to Wikipedia, ``The Egmont Group of Financial Intelligence Units is an informal international gathering of financial intelligence units (FIUs). The Group was formed in 1995, and took its name from the palace in Brussels where the meeting took place. Some 101 countries have created FIUs, which are national centers to collect information on suspicious or unusual financial activity from the financial industry and other entities or professions required to report transactions suspicious of being money laundering or terrorism financing. FIUs are normally not law enforcement agencies; their mission is to process analyze the information received. If sufficient evidence of unlawful activity is found, the matter is passed to the public prosecution.``                                       

EFCC Arraigns ICAN Boss Over N7m Fraud

A former Chairman of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN) Port Harcourt Chapter, Mr. Rasak Kayode Oladimeji Ettu, was on Wednesday 21st January, 2009, arraigned before a Rivers State High Court on a two count charge of stealing and issuance of dud cheque.

 Ettu who was the Chairman of the Port Harcourt Chapter of ICAN between 2005–2006, pleaded not guilty on both counts.

His case was reported to the Commission by the Chairman of the Eastern Zone of ICAN, Chief Ngozi  Amaliri through a petition dated 2nd July, 2007.

Investigations into the case revealed that Mr. Ettu had received on behalf of ICAN the sum of N7million (seven million naira) from the Rivers State Government during Dr. Peter Odili’s administration.  Rather than pay the  amount into ICAN’s account, he however paid it into his personal account from where he made several withdrawals towards addressing his personal needs instead of that of ICAN.

Having depleted the fund, Ettu in a bid to cover his track decided to issue a dud cheque to cover the sum to the Institute .The cheque however bounced,thus signalling the beginning of Ettu’s trouble. After taking pleas from the prosecution and the defence counsel, the presiding judge, Justice Charles Grianville ordered Ettu to be remanded in prison custody till February 9,2009 when further hearing in the matter continues.

Femi Babafemi

Head, Media & Publicity

23/1/2009                                                                                                                                

EFCC Arraigns Four Over N10million Fake Currency

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) on Wednesday 14 January, 2009 arraigned four men; Zubairu Ja’faru, Sani Iliyasu, Shuabu Ibrahim and Bashir Musa on a seven count charge of forgery and unlawful possession of the sum of over N10, 000,000 (Ten Million Naira) before a Kaduna Federal High Court presided by Hon Justice Shuabu Mohammed.

The accused persons who pleaded innocence to the charges were alleged to have committed the offence along side some others who are now at large, between January and October 2008. Two of the suspects, Zubairu Ja’faru and Sani Iliyasu were intercepted on the 3rd October 2008 by the immigration service in Kano after some intelligence report was received on them.They were later handed over to the EFCC on October 16,2008 while two others, Shuabu Ibrahim and Bashir Musa were arrested also in Kano by EFCC operatives in the course of their investigation.

 According to the prosecution lawyer, one of the suspects on the run, Mohammed Garuba was the principal receiver of the fake monies whose job was to integrate the notes into the system.

He was said to be a staff of the Federal Inland Revenue in Kano State but EFCC’s investigation revealed that he has not been in the office for over a year.

The offences were contrary to several sections of the (Miscellaneous Offences Decree No 20 of 1984) as amended by the Tribunals (Certain Consequential Amendments, etc) Decree 62 of 1999 and the Special Tribunal (Miscellaneous Offences) Act Cap 410 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 1990. All were equally punishable under different sections of the decrees.

According to the Charge sheet, the accused persons alongside some others who are now at large had on three different occasions, fraudulently and knowingly forged more than 10,000 pieces of One Thousand Naira notes with serial numbers B/261973558, B/335507298, and B/357477001 respectively.

After taking their plea, the prosecution lawyer, Sir Steve Odiase, moved an application for commencement of trial, which was not objected by the defence counsel, Ali Musa. Musa however, moved for the bail of the suspects, which has been fixed for hearing on 27 and 28 January 2009.

Meanwhile, Justice Shuabu has ordered the suspects to be remanded in EFCC custody even as the Commission has concluded arrangements to invite CBN experts and Immigration officials as witnesses in the matter.

 Femi Babafemi

Head, Media & Publicity

19/1/2009                                                                                                                                   

EFCC ARRAIGNS LG CHAIRMAN, FOUR  OTHERS OVER    N114.5M  FRAUD

                                   Posted Tuesday, Jan. 13,2009

Recent efforts by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to beam searchlight on  some local government councils over their usage of public funds has once again yielded result with the arraignment on Monday January 12,2009 of the Chairman of Ukwa East Local Government area of Abia State, Glory Okechukwu Kanu alongside four others over a fraud totalling N114.5million.

He was arraigned at the Federal High court in Maitama, Abuja with Ogbonna Sylvanus Peters, Secretary to the council, Okwara Godwin Awa, Treasurer, Obianyi Lewis, Head of Legislative Council and Godwin O.k Aluoko, the fourth accused who could not take his plea because of ill health. 

The accused persons who pleaded innocence, were cumulatively slammed with sixty-two counts bordering on money laundering, criminal conspiracy, criminal breach of trust, stealing and misappropriation of council funds all totaling  N114,578,036.16 (one Hundred and Fourteen Million, Five Hundred and Seventy -Eight Thousand, Thirty-Six Naira, Sixteen Kobo)

The offences which were perpetrated between January and December 2008  contrary to several sections of the Criminal Code, and Money Laundering (prohibition) Act 2004 are punishable under the same Code and Act.

One of the charges filed  against the Chairman, Glory Okechukwu  Kanu read; “That you Glory Okechukwu Kanu on 17th day of July 2008 at Aba, Abia State within the jurisdiction of this honourable Court while being a public officer to wit: the  Chairman,Ukwa East Local Government Council charged with the performance of a public duty,did by virture of that position, corruptly take from one Anthony Obi, under the colour of your office ,the sum of N16.4 million (Sixteen Million,Four Hundred Thousand Naira) on account of contract jobs awarded by your office; and therby committed an offence punishable under Section 404 (1) (a) of the Criminal Code.”

Counsel to the accused persons, Edwin Anikwem who held brief for G.E Lar, made a verbal application for bail for his clients, pleaded with the court to grant them bail because of their reputation and standing in the society. He said that they had been remanded in custody for over one month and that their absence has caused non- payment of the local government staff salary. “ They are public officers, because of their detention, the local government workers have not been paid their salary.”

According to him, “the first accused is a legal practioner and an elected local government chairman. He will be present at trial because his integrity is at stake here.”  

While noting  that all the accused persons presented themselves to the EFCC, the counsel argued that the offences for which they were accused were bailable offences and that his clients had never been charged with any criminal offence.

Countering the defence counsel’s argument, the prosecution counsel, Mohammed Mailumo  notified the court that the accused persons were no longer public officers as they had been impeached. He said that the issue of bail being canvassed by the defence counsel should be done judicially and judiciously.

“ By plethora of court decisions in this land, certain criteria have been established that  are exposed to the court to consider whenever bail is being sought. The court has to consider the possibility of the accused to suppress evidence by working on the mind of those to be called as witnesses.”

This, he said was because the accused were and are still men of substance.

Mailumo further said that Anikwem’s submission that the offences were bailable connotes a literal approach to interpreting legislative enactment. “In the circumstances of this case, we need to go beyond the literal approach to the mischief rule”, he added .

In his ruling on the bail application, the trial Judge,Hon Justice Adamu Bello said that though it was at the court’s discretion to grant bail, it must be done judiciously and judicially. He said; “having listened to the arguments of both counsel, I have to state that an oral application cannot at this point be used to argue for bail. The defence counsel should make a formal application with the necessary deposition.”

He thereafter, rejected the oral application for bail by the accused and ordered that they be remanded in prison custody.

The case has been adjourned to January 20, 2009.

Femi Babafemi

Head, Media & Publicity

13/1/2009                                                                                                                                

Impersonation: EFCC Nabs Fraudster

Barely three weeks after it paraded a fake EFCC official, the Commission has again arrested another fraudster, Chief Egbe Akparakwu for posing as an agent of the anti-graft agency to extort money from unsuspecting members of the public.

The 41 year old Akparakwu who resides at Apo legislative quarters in Abuja was apprehended on December22, 2008 for parading himself as an agent for most security organisations in the country including EFCC. He had in his possession ,a pool of security/classified documents from government agencies notably that of the Presidency, Nigerian Police, Civil Defence,  office of the National Security Adviser to the president and the State Security Services. Also recovered from him were petitions purportedly written to the Commission against some unsuspecting members of the public and other letters written with fake EFCC Letterhead.

The suspect according to investigations by operatives of the Commission, had been receiving petitions from members of the public for a fee on the pretext that he was an agent of the Chairman and Director of Operations of EFCC respectively. It has however been established that he has no contact whatsoever with either the Chairman of the Commission or the Director of Operations. It was also established that Mr. Egbe Akparakwu had used his Akparakwu Foundation which he claims to be the Chairman /President, as a  camouflage for extortion.

The recent arrest of the suspect is one of many as he had been detained sometime in April 2008 on a similar offence at the state CID, Panti- Lagos. Before his arrest on  December 22nd 2008, Akparakwu had been under EFCC’s surveillance since October last year.

. A similar arrest was made about three weeks ago when one Kenneth Okonkwo who had been parading himself alongside other members of his group as staff of EFCC in bid to extort  N10 million from the Bayelsa State governor.

According to the Commission’s spokes person, Femi Babafemi, Akparakwu’s detection and eventual arrest was a clear testimony of the preparedness of the Commission to thwart the efforts of   those who may stop at nothing to tarnish the hard earned image of the Commission.

The suspect will be arraigned in court on Wednesday January7,2009. 

Femi Babafemi

Head, Media & Publicity

6/1/2009                                                                                                                                  

Yuguda to marry Yar’adua’s daughter Jan 24

Written by Lawal Ibrahim, Katsina
Sunday, 28 December 2008  Daily Trust

Another high-profile  marriage ceremony is  set for Katsina early next year Governor Isa Yugud with Bauchi State Governor Malam Isa Yuguda billed to marry President Umaru Yar’adua’s daughter Hajiya Nafisa on January 24, 2009.

Daily Trust gathered that the initial process ahead of the solemnization of the marriage was concluded in Katsina at the weekend, where the President and his wife Hajiya Turai spent the Christmas holidays.

Our correspondent gathered that Governor Yuguda’s family representatives arrived in Katsina on Saturday and met with Yar’adua family members, after which an agreement was made to tentatively fix the wedding fatiha for January 24, 2009.

Though Daily Trust could not confirm the amount of money fixed as bride price, it was confirmed that the traditional gifts for the bride, known as Lefe, were delivered by Yuguda’s family members. A family source said about twenty boxes full of cloth, toiletries, footwear, bags and jewellery were brought to the house in a small truck.

When our reporter visited the family house in Yar’adua Quarters in the weekend, he observed that elderly female members of the Yar’adua family were mobilised to receive the traditional gift from the suitors.

Another source told Daily Trust that Governor Isa Yuguda’s family members arrived Katsina airport in a chartered flight on Saturday. Two golden coloured Lincoln Navigator jeeps and another black Prado jeep bearing Bauchi State plate numbers conveyed them and the gifts to the president’s family house. Talk about this marriage had been on since late last year, and earlier this year, Daily Trust erroneously reported that a date had been set for its solemnisation. The report turned out to be premature.

When Daily Trust contacted Bauchi State government officials last night, they claimed ignorance of weekend’s events. They however said they would be the first to tell Daily Trust if and when such an event is coming up.

Meanwhile, President Yar’adua himself left Katsina yesterday evening after spending three days’ Christmas   break along with his family.

During his stay in the state, Yar’adua received many private visitors and held various meetings with state elders and traditional rulers. He also paid a private visit to the state university and to the maternal and children’s hospital projects initiated by his administration.

Among those who saw the president in Katsina was Zamfara State Governor Alhaji Mahmuda Aliyu Shinkafi, who was in the state on Saturday. Yar’adua also went to condole with the family of his former Commissioner of Information Alhaji Abdu Haro Mashi, who died last Wednesday.                                                                         

EFCC DECLARES EL-RUFAI WANTED

A  press release ,posted sunday Dec. 21,2008 newsdiaryonline

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, has declared former Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai wanted.

A statement by the Commission says the former minister “is wanted for abuse of office and misappropriation (of )public funds to the tune of N32 billion.”

“The need to declare El- Rufai wanted became imperative following his failure to honour a simple invitation from the commission to respond to weighty allegations levelled against him in petitions being investigated by the Commission”, the statement added.

It will be recalled that the Commission had written El- Rufai some weeks ago to appear before it on November 28th 2008. Instead of honouring the invitation, he wrote back through his counsel asking the EFCC to send its questions to him. He had claimed then that he was writing an examination outside the country.

This prompted the Commission to grant him another three (3) weeks grace. But instead of seizing the opportunity to respond to the weighty allegations against him, he has resorted to a hide and seek game, and an appalling show of impunity on the pages of newspapers.

Femi Babafemi

Head, Media & Publicity

21/12/2008                                                                                                                                  

Gani Rejects National Honour
By Davidson Iriekpen, 12.16.2008 Thisday

Human rights lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN), has rejected the National honour of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR) conferred on him by the Federal Government.
He said a government that “covertly and overtly encourages corruption has no honour in its arsenal of power to dispense honour”.
Fawehinmi, in a statement made available to THISDAY last night, said he was rejecting the honour because of what he called the Federal Government’s lacklustre fight against corruption and the endless persecution of the former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu.
Giving another reason for rejecting the award, he stated that there was no hope in sight on the decadent socio-economic situation affecting the people in the country, saying that “this is not the atmosphere for the award of national honour”.
Gani said he was in London receiving medical treatment for lung cancer when the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) wrote him a letter informing him that his name would be forwarded for national honour. But he said: “Events from August 2008 to this date are bizarre, unbelievably barbaric in their intensity, in terms of persecuting those fighting corruption and the singling out of Nuhu Ribadu for persecution, all for giving honour and dignity to this country and for recovering our treasure, billions of naira and other forms of wealth looted by public officers.”
Arguing that corruption was a single, fundamental factor that had retarded the progress of the nation and its socio-economic development, Fawehinmi said it was generally agreed nationally and internationally that Ribadu did a lot to retard the inhibitive progress of corruption.
“Today, the architect of the unprecedented anti-corruption war, unprecedented in the annals of Nigeria since 1914, is now literally roaming the streets of Nigeria without official car, without official status, without any form of security, and yet he is still being subjected to hounding, haunting and all forms of dehumanizing vilification by the Federal Government.
“By the performance of his duties, Nigeria and Nigerians gained in integrity, honour and recovery of their looted wealth. But Nuhu Ribadu did not make any personal gain. He only waged a war against corruption, graft, stealing, money laundering, etc, etc, in the corridors of power. In return, the regime of President Umaru Yar’Adua decided to wage unrelenting war against anti-graft war.
“Instead of the Federal Government to publicly acknowledge the unprecedented good Ribadu has done to the psyche of Nigerians by awarding him the greatest National Honour, the government has decided to continuously persecute this young man. It was therefore the greatest embarrassment for me, when at the weekend, it was announced that I was one of those 275 Nigerians honoured with National Honours and in my case the Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR).
“Yes, I have done my best for this country in various fields and I still want to continue to do my best. But we live in a situation where the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 provides in Section 15(5) that:
‘The state shall abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power’ and a young man emerged to do what the Constitution enjoins and he is being persecuted for carrying out the provisions of the Constitution. Yet, the President swore to observe, preserve and defend the same Constitution. I find it extremely difficult to accept that President Yar’Adua’s government has the honour to dispense honour.”
Insisting that government had performed woefully, he said: “The directionless-ness of the Federal Government has been characterised by the following, collapsed infrastructure; total paralysis of the health sector at all levels; constant nationwide power failure and attendant negative effects on all sectors of the economy; pervasive unemployment, thereby generating increased armed robbery cutting across all ages of our people; debilitating homelessness; retrogressive educational programmes and policies, which have made no Nigeria university to be ranked within the first 500 universities in the world and no effort is being made by the regime to improve on the humiliating situation.
“Put simply, the Federal Government is a total failure, worsened by lack of direction and leadership. Is this the atmosphere for the award of national honour? Certainly not. In addition to my rejection of the award on the ground of Federal Government’s conscious war against anti-corruption war, the decadent socio-economic situation does not engender the well-being of ordinary people and there is no hope in sight.”
According to him, “Nobody can contest or dispute the fact that poverty in Nigeria today is more pervasive, humiliating, dehumanising than 40 years ago, despite our mounting and skyrocketing billions upon billions of dollars of revenue from oil and gas exploration. In this respect, the nation has failed to use the resources to abolish poverty. This is an indictment against all governments in Nigeria, including the present government that awarded the OFR to me.
“The present government that awarded me the OFR has been guilty of abuses of human rights. For example, the closure of Channels Television station in Lagos and Abuja on September 16, 2008. The man who helped to catapult this regime into office, General Olusegun Obasanjo committed some of the worst abuses of human rights as civilian leader between 1999 and 2007, namely: he sent troops to murder 2,999 innocent Nigerians in Odi, Bayelsa State in November 1999. He also shut African Independent Television (AIT) on November 30, 2005.
“Without doubt, all our infrastructure are decadent and no effort has been made by this regime to improve on the infrastructure. Under this regime, power generation is next to zero and everyday the country is thrown into darkness. The manufacturers and domestic users of power are at the mercy of generating sets.”                       

DUMP SAM EGWU NOW! CISLAC TELLS SENATORS
Posted Monday Dec.1,2008
 

The desperate or even reckless attempt by Sam Egwu, the former Governor of
Ebonyi state to defend why he should be confirmed a minister of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria has landed him in trouble.Answering questions from senators
during a screening session Egwu shockingly reeled out how he had distributed
electoral materials to stakeholders as if he was part of the electoral.His confession
has earned him the ire of all and sundry.
 
Today, the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC)said in a statement
issued byAuwal Musa (Rafsanjani) executive director of the centre that it views with
concern the credibility of some ministerial nominees forwarded to the Senate by
President umaru Musa Yar`Adua.
 
``Key among such nominees`` according to CISLAC ``is Dr. Sam Egwu, former Governor
of Ebonyi State who confessed to the Senate, nay Nigerians and the entire world that he
was part of the rigging in the last election which has been adjudged the worst in the political
history of Nigeria.Confessing that he distributed electoral materials to some political office
holders in the state means that he was part of the “sumatics” that took place in the name of
elections. Egwu was Chief Executive of Ebonyi State, he was neither a staff of INEC nor the
Act mandated him to be in possession of electoral materials and to
distribute them as he ignorantly confessed. The confession equally shows the level of
intelligence of those proposed to man sensitive areas of our government.
 
Zeroing in on the former governor, Rafsanjani`s statement noted that ``Sam Egwu is probably
one of those former Governors whose files have mysteriously disappeared from EFCC. So
long as all past governors, including Egwu are yet to have a clean bill of health from the anti-
graft body, none of them should be entrusted with any responsibility until their files are
produced and cleared either by the EFCC or a court of competent jurisdiction.
 
``Egwu’s nomination smacks off the sincerity of President Umaru Yar’Adua’s zero tolerance for
corruption. For those who claim that Egwu had no case, it is already in public domain that on
July 16th 2007, a group “Coalition for Good Governance in Ebnyi State” forwarded a 30 page
petition to Mr. President and copied the EFCC.
 
The release reminded Senators of the dirty records of the Egwu regime ``Sam Egwu as Governor
of Ebonyi embezzled and mismanaged N80billion out of N150billion that accrued to the state
between 1999 to May 2007. They also accused him of dubious contracts, diversion of local
government funds and frivolous foreign trips with members of his family which the financial
burden rested on the state.
 
Also the civil society coalition said ``Sam Egwu as Governor of Ebonyi State did not allow
for internal democracy in the state in the PDP primaries that culminated in the last elections.
This he also confessed during his screening by the Senate. So long as Egwu is yet to be
cleared of all these allegations, if President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua wants  Nigerians to take
him seriously in the anti-corruption crusade, we in the civil society are appealing to him
not to give him further responsibility.
 
It is based on the foregoing ``that CISLAC believes that Egwu is not qualified for a
ministerial appointment, even if it is a PDP settlement. We therefore urge the Senate
to halt the clearing of Dr. Sam Egwu, former Governor of Ebonyi State as Minister of the
Federal Republic.    
                                                                                                                     

National Standard’s Outstanding Persons of the Year

POSTED THURSDAY JAN 22,2009

National Standard, Nigeria’s leading newsmagazine, has announced its choice of Outstanding Personalities in 2008. These are Nigerians who made the most impact on national life in 2008.

These outstanding personalities were drawn from both the private and public sectors, including sports. The amazing story of their achievements is featured on the cover of the January 26, 2009 edition of the newsmagazine.

These outstanding personalities are:  Femi Otedola, Chairman of Zenon Oil, selected for his ethical business practices, especially for forcing down the price of kerosene; Babatunde Fashola, the Governor of Lagos State, for the gradual transformation of Lagos into a mega city; Aliyu Akwe Doma, the Governor of Nassarawa, for his pro people policies; Senator Uche Chukwumerijie, for his vocal campaign for a better Senate, and Chika Chuwumerijie, for winning bronze medal at the Beijing Olympics.

Others are: Samson Siasia, for leading the Nigerian football Olympic team to a silver medal at the Beijing Olympics; Adams Oshiomhole, Governor of Edo State, for his resilience and renewing faith in the judiciary; Ambassador John Fashanu, for initiating the popular football reality show Football Challenge with Fash; Ndudi Elemelu, for his courage in spearheading the power probe in the House of Representatives, and the Sultan of Sokoto Abubakar Saad for transforming the Sultanate into a modern institution for the promotion of peace  and development.

A commemorative award will be given to each of the Outstanding Personalities at a later date to be communicated and presented to them individually.

National Standard believes the awardees are role models who should be commended and encouraged to do more this year. According to the Editor-in-Chief, Ms Mobola Lanre-Badmus, the Outstanding Personalities Commendation will be an annual feature of the Newsmagazine                                                                              

Turai Yar’Adua: Aso Rock’s most influential power broker
By Olusola Fabiyi and Ihuoma Chiedozie, Abuja
Published: Friday, 9 Jan 2009     The Punch
 
First Lady, Turai Yar’Adua, is a woman with a benign carriage; ironically, she is believed to have emerged as, perhaps, Abuja’s most effective strategist.

Some Aso Rock watchers say she has brought these personal attributes to bear in the running of The Presidency in the last one-and-a-half years.

Before the recent cabinet reshuffle, the media was awash with reports of how ministers desperate to retain their portfolios lobbied the First Lady and the Vice-President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, to achieve their aim.

Similarly, it was reliably gathered that she played a key role in deciding postings of some new ministers.

Sources said Turai swayed the President into appointing the former Director-General of the National Action Committee on AIDS, Prof. Babatunde Osotimehin, as the Minister of Health.

Prior to the cabinet shake-up, Osotimehin had a formidable contender for the post in the erstwhile Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drugs Administration and Control, Prof. Dora Akunyili.

Akunyili was eventually made Minister of Information and Communications.

According to sources, Turai’s interest in Osotimehin’s appointment to the health ministry was influenced by how he handled NACA’s last anti-HIV/AIDS campaigns held in the six geo-political zones of the country.

Turai was reportedly impressed. Since then, she has held Osotimehin in high esteem and sought collaboration between NACA and her own pet project, Women and Youth Empowerment Foundation. Asource said, “When he became a ministerial nominee, she did not hide her inclination.”

The source said those who knew of Turai’s support for Osotimehin believed that it was Turai’s support for him that saved the minister from being denied the job after a mild but embarrassing drama at the World AIDS Day programme held at the Eagles Square, Abuja.

At that programme, a group of people living with HIV/AIDS had openly protested in the presence of the Vice-President, over what they alleged was the mismanagement of huge funds by NACA under Osotimehin.

Carrying placards, the PLWA claimed that Osotimehin was not making funds available to them, and was also denying them of Anti-Retroviral Drugs.

Besides, Turai is said to have been the force behind Yar’Adua rescinding his earlier decision on the hosting of the World Youth Soccer Championship, which had earlier been cancelled following a bloated budget of N37bn by the Local Organising Committee. The budget was eventually slashed to N9bn, allegedly after the intervention of the First Lady in October 2008.

A top government source, who did not wish to be named said, “It is now common knowledge in the Villa that the First Lady is fully in charge of many of the decisions being taken. She is the President’s closest adviser and she does not hide it.”

Still, Turai reportedly played a role in the emergence of former Kebbi State Governor, Senator Adamu Aliero, as the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory.

Aliero, who governed the state for eight years, having been elected on the platform of All Nigeria Peoples Party, defected to the Peoples Democratic Party shortly before the 2007 poll.

He eventually handed over power to Governor Usman Saidu Nasamu, who, a few months ago, married one of the First Lady’s daughters.

Another source dosclosed to our correspondents that “it became necessary for somebody very close to the President to take charge whenever ‘Oga’ is perceived to be under the weather.”

Another major decision linked to the First Lady, our correspondents gathered, was the deployment of a long-serving minister, Dr. Hassan Lawal, to the Ministry of Works and Housing from his previous labour portfolio.

Lawal, a minister of labour in the last administration, combined his portfolio with the supervision of the ministry of health, when Prof. Adenike Grange and her deputy, Mr. Gabriel Adiuku, resigned on account of the N300m unspent budget scam.

It was gathered that Turai had become so influential in the Presidency to the extent that ministers and other top government appointees strive to be in her good books.

Also, state governors desirous of closer relationship with the President, sources revealed, go out of their ways to court the Office of the First Lady.

A reliable source close to the Presidency said those governors usually used their wives to seek Turai’s attention, just as they advised their wives to initiate some projects that would demand inviting the First Lady to their states.

However, the Presidency denied reports that Turai wields such influence.

The First Lady’s spokesman, Mr. Lawan Bakori, dismissed the insinuations as mere rumours.

Although the reports had spread ever since the return of President Umaru Yar’Adua from the controversial trip to Saudi Arabia in September 2008, when it was alleged that all the core decisions taken were at the instance of Turai, Bakori insisted that nobody had come out to categorically substantiate any of the stories involving the First Lady.

But as if to lend credence to the insinuations, our correspondents discovered that the Office of the First Lady was listed as the third in the order of protocol on the official website of the State House Office of Public Communications, www.nigeriafirst.org.

Her office was listed below that of the Vice-President, and above the Federal Executive Council, the National Economic Council and the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.

However, a source in the Office of Public Communications informed one of our correspondents that the listing of the Office of the First Lady on the website was “of no consequence.”

The source, who did not want to be named, explained that the website was not effective.

“It does not matter, the website is not even effective, and it is not being supervised. That should not be given any thought,” the source stated.

Turai was born in the Katsina Metropolis in July 1957, and she spent her formative years at the Government Girls Secondary School, Kankiya.

Later on, she enrolled at the Katsina College of Arts, Science and Technology, Zaria, where she reportedly emerged as the best student in 1980.

She obtained a Bachelor of Arts (Education) in Language from the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, in 1983. She had previously worked as a teacher before she became Katsina State First Lady when Yar’Adua was elected governor in 1999.                                                                                                                                         

Nigeria: Arbitrary Killings by Security Forces in Jos

Government Should Set up Independent Investigation
December 19, 2008 Human Rights Watch

The duty of the police and military was to stop the bloodshed generated by this extremely tragic episode of inter-communal violence, not contribute to it. The Nigerian authorities should immediately set up an independent investigation into these extremely serious allegations.
Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch
Related Materials: 
Nigeria: Prevent Further Bloodshed in Jos
“They Do Not Own This Place”
Revenge in the Name of Religion
(New York) - Nigerian police and army forces were implicated in more than 90 arbitrary killings in responding to inter-communal violence between Christian and Muslim mobs in Jos, Nigeria, on November 28 and 29, 2008, Human Rights Watch said today. Human Rights Watch called on the Nigerian government to investigate and prosecute those responsible for the killings, mostly of young Muslim men from the Hausa-Fulani ethnic group.

Human Rights Watch researchers documented seven separate incidents of arbitrary killing by the police during which at least 46 men and boys, all but two of them Muslims, were killed. The vast majority of police killings were perpetrated by a specially trained anti-riot unit called the Police Mobile Force, known locally as the MOPOLs. Human Rights Watch also documented six incidents involving the arbitrary killing of 47 men by the military. According to witnesses, all of the victims were Muslim men, nearly all were young, and most were unarmed at the time. Most of the killings came on the same day after the Plateau State governor issued a "shoot-on-sight" order to security personnel on November 29.

Human Rights Watch researchers in Jos, in central Nigeria, interviewed scores of witnesses to these arbitrary killings. In several places, bloodstains and bullet holes were still clearly visible and bullet casings remained on the ground.

"The duty of the police and military was to stop the bloodshed generated by this extremely tragic episode of inter-communal violence, not contribute to it," said Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. "The Nigerian authorities should immediately set up an independent investigation into these extremely serious allegations."

Witnesses described how police officers from the Police Mobile Force killed at close range at least 26 men whom they chased into the compound of an automobile workshop; broke into houses and sprayed gunfire in predominantly Hausa-Fulani neighborhoods; and executed young men shortly after taking them into police custody. A 26-year-old mechanic, who witnessed the killings of the 26 men by members of the police while hiding in the second story of an adjacent building, described what he saw:

"I saw about 20 or more MOPOLs in all, but around 10 of them got down and started creeping toward the compound ... like they wanted to surprise the 50-60 [Hausa] youths who were still gathered on the road. When they got to the entrance, the MOPOLs opened fire, making all the youths take off running. After this, they started chasing the youths as they ran to seek cover in the compound. I saw them enter one house just across the street from us. We heard shots and later we saw five bodies there. Anyone they found hiding in the garage, they shot them. They combed the garage hunting for people. This went on for about 10 minutes or so. Then they returned to their truck and left. They were dressed like the MOPOLs always dress - with that black top and green trousers, and with all the patches they always wear on their uniform."

Other witnesses described how four men wearing military uniforms and carrying assault rifles broke into three houses on two adjacent streets and gunned down at least 25 unarmed young men found hiding in these homes. In another incident, Human Rights Watch spoke with five witnesses in the Rikkos neighborhood, each giving an account independent of the others, who saw the killing of eight men by a soldier in the Nigerian army on November 29. One of the witnesses, a 38-year-old engineer, described what happened:

"I saw a dark-green military vehicle pull up on the road with five soldiers. This was around 10 a.m. Seven people were coming from the direction of the mosque. When they saw the military, they ran into a house. My brother was behind them and also ran into the house. At the time they [the people coming from the mosque] were carrying nothing in their hands. One of the military men went into the house and brought them out of the house to the road. The military man told my brother to stand to the side. He then shot the group. Some were hit in the chest and stomach. He then said to my brother: ‘You go.' When my brother started moving he shot him in his leg. My brother went down. He then shot him in the side and the chest. He was shot with three bullets and died at that time. The military man then turned and left. He shouted that everybody should enter their houses. Later in the day, the JNI [Islamic Authorities from the Jamaatu Nasri Islam] came in a vehicle and took the bodies to the central mosque. They were all Hausas between the ages of 18 and 25. My brother was around 40 years old."

(For more accounts of extrajudicial executions by the police and military, please click here).

The two days of extraordinarily brutal inter-communal violence on November 28 and 29 in Jos, the capital of Plateau State, followed a disputed local election on November 27. The violence pitted Christians primarily from the Berom, Afizere, and Anaguta ethnic groups - who largely supported the Christian candidate from the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) - against Muslims primarily from the Hausa-Fulani ethnic group, who largely backed the Muslim candidate from the All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP). Local government posts that control large sums of public funds disbursed by the federal government were at stake.

During 10 days of research in Jos, Human Rights Watch researchers conducted 123 interviews with Muslim and Christian witnesses, victims and perpetrators of the violence, human rights activists, religious leaders, local and international journalists, businessmen, Red Cross officials, lawyers, police and military authorities, Plateau State government officials, members of political parties, and electoral officials.

The death toll from the violence in Jos is still disputed, but several hundred people seem to have been killed in the clashes. There is also widespread disagreement on what set off the violence. In the early morning hours of Friday, November 28, following allegations that the governing PDP had rigged the election results, groups of young men from Muslim and Christian communities came together to both defend their neighborhoods from attack, and to attack the homes, businesses, and religious establishments of the opposing side. These mobs were armed with machetes, knives, petrol bombs, rocks, sticks, and in some cases firearms, including locally made hunting rifles and pistols.

The vast majority of both perpetrators and victims were young men, although several women and children were also killed. The violence was primarily concentrated in the neighborhoods of Ali Kazaure, Tudun Wada, Nasarawa, Rikkos, Dutse Uku, Congo Russia, and Angwan Rogo. Mobs set up roadblocks in various neighborhoods allowing people of their own religion or ethnicity to pass and attacking, and in some cases killing, members of the opposing faith or ethnicity.

(For more on the mob violence and background information on inter-communal violence, please click here).

As the violence intensified, witnesses complained of the absence of police in many of the worst-affected areas. A prominent Muslim businessman whose three used car lots on Zaria Road were set alight by mobs of Christians on the morning of November 28 told Human Rights Watch that he had repeatedly called the police and pleaded with them to protect his businesses. A Christian member of the mob interviewed by Human Rights Watch confirmed that while they were burning cars on Zaria Road a police truck passed them twice but did not stop. The Katako market, which was razed to the ground by a mob of Christians, is adjacent to the divisional police headquarters.

By noon on November 28, the Nigerian army was called in to restore order, and army units from neighboring states began to be deployed to the streets of Jos. Despite the cases of alleged arbitrary killing by military personnel, witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch generally credited the military with having quelled the violence and restored peace, and in some cases with intervening to save the lives of both Muslims and Christians.

On November 28, the Plateau State governor issued a statement announcing a dusk-to-dawn curfew. The next day, the governor issued an order to security personnel, telling them to shoot persons on sight, which James Mannok, the director of press and public affairs at Government House, confirmed to Human Rights Watch applied to anyone breaking the curfew. The governor also later imposed a 24-hour curfew in the worst- affected neighborhoods.

While most of the inter-communal violence documented by Human Rights Watch took place on November 28, the vast majority of the alleged killings by the police and military were carried out on November 29, the day the shoot-on-sight order was issued. Human Rights Watch documented at least 80 cases of alleged arbitrary killing by security personnel that took place on that day alone.

However, police and military authorities interviewed by Human Rights Watch said they had not carried out the shoot-on-sight order. The Nigerian army spokesperson, Brigadier General Emeka Onwuamaegbu, told Human Rights Watch: "It is one thing for a political leader to issue an order, another for those of us implementing it. Our soldiers went out with very strict instructions to use minimum force and follow the rules of engagement." The assistant commissioner of police in charge of operations in Plateau State, Oga Ero, told Human Rights Watch that, "There was no order by my officers to shoot on sight as far as I was aware of."

Senior police and army authorities also denied receiving any reports of their forces being involved in arbitrary killings during the violence. Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned by these denials by the security forces.

"It is imperative that the army and police carry out rigorous investigations into these allegations and get to the bottom of what happened," said Dufka. "Those found responsible simply must be brought to book."

Some witnesses said that persons impersonating police officers and soldiers were responsible for the killings. However, in the majority of incidents documented by Human Rights Watch, other evidence clearly contradicted that notion. The evidence included the presence of police and army vehicles at the scene and the fact that the same "fake" MOPOL officers who entered homes and arbitrarily killed young men also arrested others and officially transported them to police detention centers.

Human Rights Watch called on the government of Nigeria to take concrete measures to hold those responsible for the arbitrary killings documented during the November violence in Jos and to address the issues that lie at the root of Nigeria's most recent spate of deadly inter-communal violence. The federal government should immediately establish an independent inquiry into the alleged disproportionate use of force by the security forces. Such an inquiry should have full participation of surviving victims and victims' families, and ensure that the individuals responsible for the violence, including those responsible for any orders leading to arbitrary killings, are identified, arrested, charged, and tried promptly, according to international fair trial standards.

The federal and state government should also take concrete steps to end the discriminatory policies that treat certain groups as second-class citizens, which should include passing legislation prohibiting government discrimination against non-indigenes in all matters that are not purely cultural. The federal and state authorities should also conduct a public education campaign focusing on the rights that go with Nigerian citizenship and the need to end discrimination against non-indigenes.

Witness Accounts of Arbitrary Killings by the Police

Human Rights Watch researchers documented seven separate incidents of extrajudicial execution by the police, during which at least 46 men and boys, all but two of them Muslims, were killed. The vast majority of police killings were perpetrated by a specially trained anti-riot unit called the Police Mobile Force, known locally as the MOPOLs. When asked to comment on the allegations of killings documented by Human Rights Watch, the assistant commissioner of police in charge of operations in Plateau State, Oga Ero, said, "We have received no reports at police high command that the police were killing people."

On Saturday, November 29, about 10 MOPOLs responded to an altercation between about 200 Hausa youths and 20 Christians by hunting down and killing at least 26 of the Hausa Muslims. Human Rights Watch interviewed six witnesses to the incident, which occurred in a large lot used for repairing cars and motorcycles on Bauchi Road, in the Angwan Rogo neighborhood. Two witnesses who helped remove the bodies of the victims guided Human Rights Watch researchers through the scene, pointing out each place where they had found and later removed a body. In many places, blood stains, bullet marks, and what appeared to be human remains were clearly visible. There were also a number of spent bullet casings at the scene. The two witnesses said that bodies were found under cars and car parts such as hoods, behind rows of motor scooters, and inside and beside several small wooden structures on the compound. One witness described how the military, who had initially tried to calm the situation, warned the Muslim youth to return to their houses or else "the police would arrive and start shooting in 20 minutes." A 26-year-old mechanic, who witnessed the killings while hiding in the second story of an adjacent building, described what he saw:

"In this neighborhood, the Muslims live on this side, and the Christians live on the other side. There is a government quarters across the street and that morning at around 8 a.m. a man took a gun and started firing at Hausas so they would not cross the road. The Hausa young men from this side started gathering across the street from where the man with the gun was. I saw about 200 Hausas gathered this side and eventually there were about 20, including the guy with the gun, on the other side."

Later, soldiers came to try to calm things down. One of them went over to where the Christians were, shot in the air, and told them to go back from the road. The Christian people ran into their community. Then another [soldier] told the Hausas to go back home as well. Some of the Hausas agreed to go back home and the soldiers left. But later, more and more Hausas started gathering. The [Hausa] youths thought the Christians would return and attack this side.

Then between 9 and 10 a.m. the MOPOLs arrived in a heavy truck they use, which they parked about 300 to 400 meters down Bauchi Road. I saw about 20 or more MOPOLs in all, but around 10 of them got down and started creeping toward the compound ... like they wanted to surprise the 50 to 60 youths who were still gathered on the road. When they got to the entrance, the MOPOL's opened fire, making all the youths take off running. After this, they started chasing the youths as they ran to seek cover in the compound. I saw them enter one house just across the street from us. We heard shots and later we saw five bodies there. Anyone they found hiding in the garage, they shot them. They combed the garage hunting for people. This went on for about 10 minutes or so. Then they returned to their truck and left. They were dressed like the MOPOLs always dress - with that black top and green trousers, and with all the patches they always wear.

Also on the morning of November 29, mobs of Christians and Muslims clashed in the Angwan-Keke neighborhood for about one hour. Shortly after the clashes subsided, a group of MOPOLs stormed through Angwan-Keke and the adjacent neighborhood of Bulbulla shooting into the air and breaking into houses. The 20 residents from both communities interviewed by Human Rights Watch reported that over the next approximately one hour, the MOPOLs broke into at least six houses and executed at least 13 unarmed men and boys they found. They also reportedly lobbed tear gas into a small local mosque and into the home where one of the wounded lay dying. Before retreating from Angwan-Keke, they detained 13 men and boys, all of whom were later reported to be in police custody. A witness to the execution of an unarmed shopkeeper in Bulbulla described what he saw:

"As the firing started, A. [the shopkeeper] told us to run into our houses because the police were coming. The police must have seen him run into his shop, so when they got to his place they started yelling for him to come out. I saw four MOPOLs and one policeman. He came out with his arms up, begging for them to leave him. They told him to lay down. He kept saying, ‘Please God, allow me to live.' They were speaking in Pidgin and Hausa. One of them said, ‘Today you go die,' and then he shot him in the side. Then the same MOPOL shot him again. As he was going to shoot him a third time, the other MOPOL said in Hausa, ‘Leave it, he's already dead.' After the MOPOLs left, A. dragged himself into the neighbor's house."

The neighbor described what happened next:

"I live next door to Mr. A., the shopkeeper. After being shot by the MOPOLs he crept, pulling himself along the ground, into my house. I asked him where he was wounded, but he said he didn't know. I lifted up his shirt and saw he'd been shot twice - once in the back and once in the abdomen. As I was trying to stop the bleeding, the MOPOLs came back and threw a tear gas canister into my house. A. died a short time later. After, I picked up five or six bodies - I didn't know their names. The MOPOLs had started killing across the ravine. We heard shots coming from there, and then they came into Bulbulla."

A 45-year-old teacher from Angwan-Keke described what he saw:

"On Saturday morning at around 7:30, the Christian people from Congo Russia - which is the community just above us - lined up on the hill and rocks and starting shouting and throwing rocks and bottles filled with petrol down at us. One of them had a shotgun and was firing at us. There were about 300 to 400 of them. When we saw this, we picked up stones and sticks and went to defend our border. But our youths were fierce and after about one hour we managed to chase them back into Congo Russia. About 10 minutes later, policemen dressed in the MOPOL uniform came crashing into Angwan-Keke. They arrived by foot, I saw four of them dressed the way the MOPOLs dress with black tops and green trousers. As soon as the MOPOLs started shooting, our people started shouting, ‘Hey, the police are shooting - run, run.' I heard the MOPOLs saying, ‘Just shoot the bastards,' in English. They spent about one hour here breaking doors, jumping into people's houses, throwing tear gas into the mosque and killing people - about seven people including three old men were killed here. They also arrested 13 youths; we later learned that one or two of them are in prison. When they got to the mosque, I heard one of them asking: ‘Is this not a mosque?' Then another said, ‘Burn it,' but in the end they threw the tear gas in and gassed out three people, including one who was sick. When they left, some of them ran down the ravine and up into Bulbulla neighborhood, while other MOPOLs left with the youth they'd arrested."

An 11-year-old Christian boy from the Dutse Uke neighborhood described the killing of two of his brothers by a MOPOL unit on November 29. The boy was later detained by the MOPOLs and spent several days in police custody:

"At around 7 in morning, I was inside the house with my family eating when about six mobile police came. They were wearing green trousers and black shirts and all had guns. They dragged me to the road and told me to lie down. One of the mobile police came and took his gun and knocked it on my arm. The other mobile said I should get up and leave. But the other mobile said I should not go home but should get in the car. I got into the car. They asked one of my brothers [who had also been detained] to lie down [on the ground], but he responded that there was no space to lie down. The other mobile came and ‘packed' him [kicked his legs from underneath him so he would fall]. He then stomped on his back. The other mobile said that he should just waste him. He then shot him in the stomach. My brother is around 19 years old. My other brother was afraid and went to escape and they just shot him from behind. They shot him one time and I saw him lying on ground. He is 17 years old. The same mobile shot my two brothers. The same mobile also shot another person in the hand. Then they took us to the CID [Criminal Investigation Department]."

Witness Accounts of Arbitrary Killings by the Military

Human Rights Watch documented six incidents involving the arbitrary killing of 47 men by the military. According to witnesses, all of the victims were Muslim men, nearly all were young, and most were unarmed at the time of the killings. When asked to comment on the allegations of killings documented by Human Rights Watch, a Nigerian army spokesperson, Brigadier General Emeka Onwuamaegbu, said that, "I have no evidence or information that Nigerian soldiers were involved in any arbitrary killings."

Human Rights Watch documented cases of the soldiers entering houses and shooting the men inside, taking men out of houses and killing them on the street, and summarily executing them in police or military custody. Witnesses also described to Human Rights Watch an incident at the Fatima Cathedral in which soldiers fired into crowds of Muslim youth. It appeared that some of the youth had firearms, but the soldiers apparently fired before having exhausted non-lethal means of crowd control.

Human Rights Watch interviewed eight witnesses who saw four soldiers enter the Ali Kazaure neighborhood around 11 a.m. on Saturday, November 29. Witnesses said that the soldiers entered three houses on two adjacent blocks and killed 25 young men in the three houses, as well as two men in the street. They also shot an 11-year-old boy in the leg. Human Rights Watch visited the houses and saw bloodstains on the floor, chairs, or benches in each one. Community members told Human Rights Watch that the chief of army staff, Lieutenant General Abdulrahman Dambazau, visited the houses the day after the killings and met with the community leaders and residents.

At the first house Human Rights Watch researchers visited, two women said that on the morning of the incident there had been fighting in the neighborhood and some of the young men had come to their house to hide. The woman said that soldiers in camouflage uniforms broke into the house and demanded to know where the men were hiding. The soldiers found an 18-year-old man, U., in one of the bedrooms and "shot him right there in the bed." The soldiers proceeded to a room at the front of the house. The women described how they then heard "lots of gunfire." Another witness told Human Rights Watch that after the shooting he found 11 dead bodies inside. The bodies were later taken to the central mosque.

The 58-year-old owner at the second house told Human Rights Watch that he saw four soldiers wearing camouflage uniforms enter the street. When he heard gunfire, he ran for cover across the street. Once the shooting stopped, he came out and found the door to his house open. He saw the body of a young man lying at the doorstep and four other bodies inside the room. The man at the doorstep was wounded, and later died. The four others were already dead.

At the third house, witnesses told Human Rights Watch that the soldiers killed eight young men in the house. Human Rights Watch researchers found bloodstains on the chairs and on the ground behind a sofa. In an adjacent room, there was a large bloodstain on the floor with a boot print in the blood. Neighbors also showed Human Rights Watch a bullet casing they had picked up at the scene. One of the residents of the house, a 22-year-old carpenter, described what he saw that day:

"On Saturday, we were sitting in our house. There were 10 of us and we were all Hausas. The door was open and four soldiers came into the house. They were wearing green camouflage uniforms and green hats. Three of them had guns and one of them had a camera. The soldiers told us to come out. Four of my friends went out but I stayed inside. I heard the soldiers tell my friends to kneel down and the soldiers started cussing at them. I heard one of my friends begging them, ‘For God, please allow us.' I then heard gunshots. We were looking for an exit, but the soldiers came inside and shot us. They shot me twice in the leg. The soldiers then went outside and I heard them tell someone that, if you don't stop burning houses this is what we will do to you."

Human Rights Watch spoke separately with two police officers who witnessed a soldier summarily execute at close range an unarmed man at the Larento Divisional Police Headquarters. The incident took place on November 28. One of the police officers described to Human Rights Watch what he saw:

"I was assigned to the police station by the Katoko market. A police inspector arrested a Hausa man and brought him to the front of the police station. One of the soldiers asked the inspector what the man had done. The inspector said that he had found him with a cutlass. The soldier then shot him in the chest. This happened on Friday around 11 a.m. I saw it. The acting DPO [divisional police officer] was also present. After shooting the man the soldier said, ‘Anybody you see with a cutlass, you shoot him.'"

Background on Inter-Communal Violence

Nigeria is a nation deeply divided along ethnic and religious lines: more than 12,000 people have died in inter-communal clashes since the end of military rule in 1999. Plateau State has been particularly hard-hit by this violence: In September 2001, violence in Jos claimed as many as 1,000 lives, and in May 2004, more than 700 people were killed in clashes in the town of Yelwa in the southern part of Plateau State.

There is disagreement about the death toll in the November 2008 violence in Jos. Muslim authorities from the central mosque in Jos claim to have registered more than 570 deaths, including several hundred victims buried in three mass burials on November 30 and December 1. Authorities from the various Christian denominations in Jos have not yet released figures on the number of Christian dead. The Plateau State commissioner for information and communications put the initial death toll at 200. Meanwhile, Yoruba community leaders told Human Rights Watch that at least 113 members of the Yoruba ethnic group - both Muslims and Christians - lost their lives in the violence.

Human Rights Watch has found that the root of much of the communal violence in Nigeria is government policies that discriminate against "non-indigenes" - people who cannot trace their ancestry to the original inhabitants of an area - essentially relegating millions of Nigerians to the status of second-class citizens. Most of Plateau State's original inhabitants come from ethnic groups that are Christian. Members of the largely Muslim Hausa-Fulani ethnic group, who have migrated to Plateau State for its rich farmland and grazing pastures, are classified as non-indigenes, despite many having resided there for several generations.

State and local governments throughout Nigeria have enacted policies that deny those designated "non-indigenes" access to some of the most important avenues of socio-economic mobility. Non-indigenes are openly denied the right to compete for government jobs and academic scholarships, while state-run universities subject non-indigenes to discriminatory admissions policies and higher fees. As poverty and unemployment have both become more widespread and severe in Nigeria, competition for scarce opportunities to secure government jobs, education and political patronage has intensified dramatically. Many view the religious, political and ethnic disputes that typically set off inter-communal violence as merely a proxy for the severe economic pressures beneath the surface.

Witness Accounts of Mob Violence

Witnesses described to Human Rights Watch how mobs of Muslim youth beat, burned, or bludgeoned to death Christians, in some cases specifically targeting pastors and church officials. One witness from the Yoruba ethnic group said five of his relatives who had come to Jos to attend the wedding of his daughter were among 12 Christians burned alive by a mob of Muslims. Other witnesses described how hundreds of Muslim youth besieged and burned churches and homes belonging to Christian families. Church officials said that at least six Christian pastors were killed in the violence and that 40 churches were burned or vandalized. Local community leaders told Human Rights Watch that Muslim youth burned 133 houses in a predominately Christian area of the Ali Kazaure neighborhood.

Muslim victims and witnesses likewise described how mobs of Christians set ablaze at least 15 mosques, an equal number of Islamic schools and hundreds of Hausa-Fulani businesses and homes. On the morning of November 28, five children attending the Al Bayan Islamic boarding school were killed in or near their dormitory by a mob of Christians. Muslim women speaking to Human Rights Watch from a refuge for residents displaced by the violence described how Christian youth in Tudun Wada burned their homes and killed their neighbors and family members. The widespread destruction of Hausa-Fulani businesses - including used car lots, gas stations and the Katako market, which housed thousands of largely Hausa-Fulani traders - resulted in devastating economic loss.        

NYAKO`S HOUSE OF DISHARMONY

IBRAHIM A.MUHAMMAD, NORTH EASTERN NIGERIA                                  POSTED MONDAY DEC.29,2008

Just a few days after Governor Murtala Nyako of Adamawa state and the lawmakers
called for an end to political bickering in the state,clearer signs are emerging that the
cold war and division among the leadership of the People`s Democratic Party (PDP) big-wigs has continued unabated.In fact, a shocking new twist to the political wrangling is emerging at the top echelon of the executive of the ruling party.The new tussle  is between between the state
chairman of the party Alhaji Umaru Mijinyawa Gugama who has vowed, to root the matter with a view to taking appropriate measures to restore the party’s discipline in the state and his deputy Medan Teneke.

The embattled State Chairman Party (PDP) Alhaji Mijinyawa Kuguma told
NEWSDIARY ONLINE that the attention of the Party has been drawn to the  “Sinister moves by some disgruntled highly placed members of the Party led by Prince Medan Teneke to destabilize the Party for their selfish
personal interest”.

He however alleged further that most of these members are major beneficiaries of the
party and the PDP led Government in the recent years.According to him “they
had secret meetings on ways to destabilize the party and the people
oriented Nyako led administration in Adamawa.”“Accordingly, they have gone as far as deceiving loyal party members that theyhave the support of Mr. President and the National Chairman of the party to form new Executive Committees at all levels of the party in the state.”Kugama
has said.

But in a swift reaction, Prince Medan Tekene, who is the Vice Chairman Southern Senatorial zone, urged Kugama “not to join issues rather, he should face the realities as he failed woefully as his leadership is characterized by  “Chuwa Chuwa” deceit and incompetence.”


Prince Teneke equally accused the leadership of the PDP, in Demsa local government and
the chairman of Demsa council , Mr. Felix Tangwami for sponsoring a N5million
solidarity march to the state secretariat of the party in Yola “when the state
secretariat has been completely deserted and abandoned due to poor
leadership.”he said.

He said that people join PDP massively out of desire for change and good governance for the betterment in the state and they will not give in to intimidations, stressing that as stakeholders and party officials, “we are duty bound to make consultations to see how best we can save our party from total collapse.”  At both the State PDP secretariat and Government House , Yola solidarity and counter solidarity rallies have continued by some party supporters across the 21 local government councils in the state.

Investigations have revealed that some highly influential PDP members in the state may be sponsoring the move to change current leadership as both the Governor Murtala Nyako and PDP chairman all hail from the same Mayo–Belwa local government coupled with the recent reports being peddled that the former vice president Atiku Abubakar may likely come back to PDP.

Kugama's statement became necessary, as a group led by a senator, commenced tour of all
local government areas in the state, canvassing for a member serving in Yar'Adua's administration to emerge as governor in 2011.

Speaker of the Adamawa State House of Assembly, Mr. James Barkar had admitted that
the state Chapter of the Peopels Democratic Party (PDP), is riddled with serious
crisis.But, he was quick to warn factional leaders in the crisis to caution their supporters not to allow the rift to impede activities of the government.

The speaker stated that the House of Assembly as the law making arm of the government will
not support any subversive move that will bring government machinery to a stand
still. He, however stated that the state chapters of the PDP will come out stronger after the
crisis, stressing that no party will progress without internal wrangling.

"I will liaise with Governor Murtala Nyako, who is the leader of the party in the state
to fashion out ways of resolving the lingering crisis. We would also dialogue
with the two factions to identify the real problems behind the crisis";
the speaker added.

Earlier,  Prince Medan Teneke, observed that incompetence,greed, dishonestly has ruined the state executive of the party.

The Adamawa political temperature is getting hotter now as the race for the Dougirei
government house in Adamawa State has commenced in earnest with the state
deputy governor Barrister Bala James Ngilari locking horns with the chief of
staff Bello Tukur who had recently married the State Commissioner for Women
Affairs, Aishatu Sulaiman Zumo ;the event is now referred to as a political marriage.

Ngilari camp alleged that, “a man, in police custody, drove a torched car in to the residence of the
Adamawa state deputy governor, Bala James Ngilari with alleged intention of crushing it into the building”.

“When arrested after the foiled mission, the suspect told the police that he was personally hired by the chief of staff Bello Tukur to crush his car into the deputy governor’s house to set it ablaze and possibly hurt the deputy governor himself who was not even in town at the time. He said he was on
a suicide mission,”
NEWSDIARYONLINE was told.

As it turned out he was telling lies against Bello Tukur.According to an impeccable source  “the man could not identify the chief of staff among four, when he was brought in to substantiate his claim. Embarrassed by his inability to identify Bello Tukur, he switched mood and started playing lunatic and making incoherent statements”.

The Principal Special Assistant (media) to governor of Murtala Nyako who is also very close to the embattled chief of staff, Alhaji Aminu Iyawa argued that,” Alhaji Bello Tukur, who was a deputy governor in the eight years of the Boni Haruna’s administration has been a target of campaign of calumny from some politicians that are vying for the governorship stool in the state”.

He described the allegations as “attempted blackmail by some unknown politicians to discredit the all-powerful 2016 governorship hopeful and chief of staff to governor Nyako Alhaji Bello Tukur”.

There have been more questions on the lips of many people as to what really
went wrong between the deputy governor Bala James Ngilari and the former deputy
governor and now chief of staff to Governor Nyako, Bello Tukur. This is in the aftermath
of the drama that played out between the due recently when Ngilari through his
aides alleged threat to his life, which was suggestive of deliberate attempt by
each group to stop its opponent from vying the exalted seat.

Tongues have continued to wag and people are seeking to know why the new twist and turns of events that pit Tukur or Ngilari against his supposed soul mate in the Adamawa political struggle.

There is no doubt, the duo had a serious romance in the past as Adamawa citizens and valuable chieftains of the people Democratic Party (PDP) in Adamawa, firmly (then) controlled by the former Vice president Atiku Abubakar and former Governor Boni Haruna.

Bala Ngilari came to the scene when the PDP in the state was no longer  attractive, forcing many prominent chieftains of the party to cross over to the opposition ANPP shortly before the 2003 election. He contested and won to the lower chamber of the National Assembly.

Bello Tukur, former deputy governor for eight years sources say, claims to have been
responsible for Murtala Nyako and the PDP forming the new government in Adamawa State .

Specifically he frequently argues to the effect that he was responsible for
“destroying” former vice president Atiku Abubakar’s grip on Adamawa State
politics. In other words, without him, Murtala Nyako would not have defeated
Action congress candidate , Alhaji Ibrahim Bapetel. He openly
aspired to be governorship candidate of the PDP in 2003 and AC in 2007
respectively.

Some political commentators in the state have argued that the recent “attacks”
by each of the two camps may be borne out of political envy.

In the case of Ngilari, there were allegations and counter allegations that Bello Tukur was behind his ordeal. For instance, a source close to the deputy governor said Ngilari`s inability to enjoy total support of Nyako for his governorship ambition come 2016 was the handiwork of Bello Tukur. All these
allegations generated public discourse in the state, but no one could substantiate the claims as Ngillari himself in his usual characteristic  calmness has maintained sealed lips.

However, the curtain was drawn on the big masquerade recently when some of his
aids alleged that there was a threat on the life of the deputy governor.
They also accused the chief of staff of being the masterminded of what may be the
fall Ngilari’s ambition.

Investigations by
NEWSDIARY ONLINE revealed that the appointment of the former
deputy governor Alhaji Bello Tukur, as chief of staff has not pleased some
influential persons in the state. The appointment attracted wide criticisms
from his political “enemies”.

It could be recalled that during the recent impeachment saga some members of
the state Assembly have threatened a showdown with the governor if he fails to
drop Tukur. Some of the critics went further to accuse Nyako of executing a Fulani
ethnic agenda by appointing his tribesmen, “unduly in to key positions”.


However, the governor has dismissed as baseless the allegation of ethnic bias. Alhaji Aminu Iyawa (Principal Special Assistant to the Governor on media affairs) described the allegation that the governor is introducing the ethnic card into the appointments so far made by Nyako as sad,unpatriotic and a disservice to the people of the state. “Admiral Nyako has always reiterated that he is every body’s governor rather than any particular tribe or ethnic group. We don’t want to believe that some
people are still living in the past”. Iyawa added that the present administration was not interested in victimizing any body, be it on ethnic or other considerations.
He described all the allegations being leveled against Bello Tukur as baseless
and unfounded aimed at tarnishing his image and possible create rift between
the two formidable factors in the state PDP. Already the deputy governor
according to his aides was '' forced to go on annual leave".

Some of the Tukur’s supporters who spoke to
NEWSDIARYONLINE however, accused
members of the opposition parties, Action Congress (AC) in particular of spear
heading the alleged campaign of calumny.

According to them, “they were envious because Bello Tukur has succeeded in
diminishing the Atiku’s camp and you know without him PDP couldn’t have won the
election”.

But in a swift reaction a former member in the state Assembly and strong
supporter of Atiku Abubakar, Alhaji Abdulmunini Ibrahim Song said, “In
the domestic politics of Adamawa State , a thousand Bello Tukurs could not have
defeated the AC in Adamawa State in a free and fair
election. Indeed, if Bello Tukur is so formidably popular and credible, why
didn’t he make any significant impact when he aspired to be the governor
candidate of the PDP in 2003?”

He further accused that, “even when he defected to the PDP because of his
debacle in the AC, he couldn’t have made any remarkable difference without the
undemocratic usurpation of the PDP in Adamawa by former President Obasanjo’s
force of re-registration of party members”.

The former lawmaker claims that the influence of the former Vice President
still looms larger over the minds of PDP leaders who declared Atiku politically
dead and buried as “they are now blaming him for every internal PDP crisis,
including the recent impeachment move against Nyako, which exposed the
moral hypocrisy of his administration”.

He continued “Did Atiku need Tukur to win elections in Adamawa in the past
before the now powerful Chief of Staff joined politics? God couldn’t have
been kinder to Atiku because even as his political enemies printed his
purported obituary, he still remains a political force to reckon with”.

Aminu Iyawa, one of the Tukur’s image makers equated the assassination attempt
as “a scene from a Hollywood movie, or a newsreel from the streets of Baghdad aimed
at discrediting the all-powerful 2016 governorship hopeful chief of
staff to Governor Nyako, Alhaji Bello Tukur”.


While the battle line is being drawn between the two strong PDP men, the people
of Adamawa state have expressed concern over the lingering political face-off
being experienced in the state.

A cross section of people who spoke to
NEWSDIARYONLINE said they were not
happy that the crisis was taking another dimension, as it poses a threat to the
peace and development of the state.

It could be recalled that the family residence of the speaker of the Adamawa State House of Assembly, James Barka was recently attacked at Kala’a in Hong local government area
of the state by suspected hired assassins.

While the political temperature of the state is rising and only time shall tell,
whether Governor Nyako is sleeping with serpents under his bed! Will he (Nyako)
overcome the hurdles ahead of him and deliver democracy dividends to his
people?                                                                                                                                       

PEOPLE ARE BEING UNFAIR TO BELLO TUKUR


Mallam Aminu Iyawa, Veteran broadcaster is the Principal Special Assistant on Media to Governor Murtala Nyako. He bares his mind to NEWSDIARYONLINE’S IBRAHIM A. MUHAMMAD on Adamawa`s political upheaval as well as his role in Nyako's administration. Excerpts:
posted Monday Dec.29,2008

The people of the state were shocked following a recent raid by armed robbers of Ganye cattle market during which many lives were recorded to have been lost; what is the government doing to checkmate the ever increasing rate of armed robbery in the state?

It`s an unfortunate incident but I wouldn’t categorize it as something that is rampant, because Adamawa state has been peaceful for quite along time. In fact, we never had a more peaceful atmosphere in the state than the coming of His Excellency Admiral Murtala Nyako and since he came to office he has been working with security agencies making sure that the state is secured; people of the state and their properties very much secured. Last Saturday’s incident in Ganye was unfortunate; it’s not something that can be anticipated. But I assure you that the security agencies are doing their best to track down the perpetrators, and for the people that have lost their lives ,may their souls rest in perfect peace.

There is this insinuation that the government may engage the services of a renowned traditional crime fighter ,Ali Kwara, how true about it?

I wouldn’t want to comment on that, but all I can tell you is that the police have been doing their best, until this incident, we did not have a robbery incident for quite a long time and because of this we cannot jump to conclusion that it was due to the ineptitude of the police that the incident happened. It could happen anywhere and in any state. But the main thing is that the police need information; so it is our duty to help them to track these armed robbers. If you see any thing suspicious you have every reason to inform the authorities.

Recently the Governor suspended all allowances of Special Assistants, why did he make this order?

The Special assistant programme is not suspended but there were conflicting figures on the number of SA's, the government ordered for screening of the S.A's because the purpose of the programme is almost being defeated. After the initial screening exercise headed by Dr.Salihu Bakari Girei, the committee came out with shocking revelations, the governor ordered the suspension of payment of allowance to the SA's until another screening is conducted this time at the local government and ward levels. Basically, the suspension is in line with Governor Nyako's vision of transparency and after this round of screening; the actual beneficiaries of the special assistant programme will be identified.  So what is the government doing to take care of the aged people, particularly the beggars in the streets?

Well the issue of beggars is a national problem, we also
have them here in Adamawa , but I don’t want to say it here categorically ;but all I know government would do something about it and I also know that the wife of the Governor Hajiya Nana has a programme on how to integrate the almajiris into formal educational system. And let me tell you, no matter what you do for a beggar, he will
always go back to the street to beg. I want to categorically clear, that
the beggars you see in our streets are not from Adamawa State. In spite of the fact that both major religions encourage alms giving, Adamawa State indigenes don't beg anywhere in this country, you will never see an indigene of Adamawa begging I challenge you to go and investigate.

Because of the generosity of Adamawa people and indeed Nigerians, these beggars have turned begging into an industry in Adamawa and all over the country, it is the same story in the south, east or west, if you give a beggar N100,000 today and ask him to go home, the best thing he or she will do will be to relocate to another state to continue the business of begging.

How will you react to accusations in some quarters that the state Governor Murtala Nyako is investing in capital projects at the detriment of
poverty alleviation?

I don’t think that’s true, because he has done more for poverty alleviation than any programme.And I have not heard of such accusations before, but if there is any such accusation, it must be from mischievous people. Adamawa State, like we all know, is a backward state, we have been unfortunate to have leaders in the past who did not do anything to improve the living standard of the people and to develop the state.Now,for the first time, we have a Governor who has the interest of the people in mind. Since his  assumption of office in his first eight months before the annulment and up till now, Governor Nyako has shown that he is ready to work for the people. What the Governor has done can not be compared to what previous administrations have done. For the first  time in the state, water now flows from our taps not only in the state capital but also in other local government areas of the state. Only recently, the Governor released over N1 billion for water project within the state capital and other major towns like, Mubi, Ganye, Numan and Madagali. He also released over N200 million for the sinking of
boreholes in 266 villages in the state.

In the education sector, there has been a great improvement in the provision of learning materials, furniture and structures (buildings) in the state. There is the establishment of vocation training institute committed to developing and improving the living standard of the people. Why do you think that Adamawa has not gotten good leaders as you alleged?

Well, it’s very unfortunate that those we had as leaders they have their own personal priority and the system of check and balance was virtually not there. But luckily for now, we have an individual who is a patriotic citizen, very much interest in the welfare of his people and he has been doing well.

The Office of the Chief of Staff has continued to generate controversies in the state he is even accused of been a defacto- governor ,why is it so?

I think people are not being fair to Chief of Staff ,Bello Tukur. He is just like any employee of the government .It is the governor that appointed him to that position. Please don’t forget that he was a deputy governor and a potential governor and probably some people are not comfortable and they think Bello Tukur is close to the Governor. The COS office has nothing to compare with that of the Deputy Governor, when the governor is out of jurisdiction the deputy acts, the COS does not have the power the deputy has, chief of staff office is the director-general of the government house or better still the
permanent secretary government house.

I think some people are not really comfortable with the rising profile of the chief of staff, Alhaji Bello Tukur who having served the state in the capacity of a deputy governor for eight years and now the chief of staff of  Government House , also doubles now as a special adviser to the governor. And could get the party's blessing to be their candidate for the post of the chief executive of the state because of his absolute loyalty when the time comes.

However not only Bello Tukur, even your office because a lot of people see your office "Principal Senior Assistant to the Governor on Media" as a duplication of the office of the chief press secretary, what exactly is your role in this government?

No, my duties as the PSA on Media is not a duplication of the chief press secretary we all have our roles to play and that is to see that this administration is given the desired publicity, we ensure that government's plans and programmes are made known to the public. We are a media team and we are working together for one goal, we respect that and we are very happy working together as a team.

The members of Adamawa State House of Assembly recently passed a bill to reduce the tenure of local government chairmen in the state ;but in a letter Governor Nyako
refused to give assent , why is it so?

I don’t think any responsible person will side with members of the state assembly.You know the executive is not favourably disposed to the bill. It has made its position known, though, I wouldn't want to say much about this but in any case, the House was ill-advised on the issue I do hope they will listen to the cry and appeal to have a rethink because the reduction will not be in the best interest of the people including the members and it will take about N1 billion or more to conduct local government elections, doing it every year will definitely have its toll on the development of the state.

Since assumption into office Nyako has been in the news media may we know the relationship between the press and government?

The relationship between his Excellency members of the press of recent is very cordial. I think initially he has been misunderstood and also the opposition played a great role in misleading some of my colleagues into believing that the governor may not deliver. But the people have seen it and you the journalists have seen it. Since he came to
office he has been delivering and Adamawa people like what he is doing and they are standing behind him.Moreso, , never in the history of Adamawa State have we had much report in the pages of newspapers devoid of scandals, I think basically the relationship will be maintained by this administration.
Thank you very much

Thanks to you too ,but I hope you people will stop painting us black .                                              

HARUNA’S APOLOGIA

                By Jonathan Ishaku                 posted Sunday Dec 28,2008

I am delighted that Mohammed Haruna is so fair minded to have “allowed” the publication of my rejoinder to his December 3, 2008 column with the title THE MEDIA AND THE GENOCIDE IN JOS at all; even though it came 21 days after his own; even though he had, in the meantime, gone ahead to publish a sequel to his initial column; even though my response was tugged in the remote inside pages of the Daily Trust; even though his response was at his usual conspicuous back page; even though his response enjoyed an additional appearance in The Nation, which didn’t publish my riposte…

Lest the reader forgets, the initial reason for Haruna’s article, aside the “anti-Christian drivel” was to point out the bias of the media in reporting the crisis that broke out in Jos on November 28, 2008. One of the principles of media fairness is what we call right-of-reply which imposes an obligation on the media to publish contrary views to those espoused by its writers or contributors. Embedded in this principle is the need not only to give timely opportunity to respondents but also to give equal visibility and prominence to such views. The treatment given to my rejoinder falls far below the requirement of fair hearing. Whether it was deliberate or not, Haruna really needs to work hard on his new career as a media ombudsman in order to be credible. The Nigeria Standard carried the rejoinder on December 12, as rightly observed by Haruna, but it was after it became apparent that the two newspapers for which he syndicates his column may not publish it; if it is that publication in The Standard that eventually gingered Haruna or the editors of Daily Trust to publish my rejoinder then doing so achieved its purpose.

In my article I stated that Haruna, given his antecedent as an ethno-religious jingoist, is not qualified to sermonize on media fairness. Indeed I cited his reprehensible role in the 1987 Kafanchan religious riots and his biased attack on the Presidential ambition of Prof. Jerry Gana as evidences of his soiled hands. With regards to the Jos crisis, I challenged him to engage in a frontal argument rather than the red herring of maligning the Plateau State Governor, Da Jonah Jang, on the basis of an interview he granted a newspaper eight years ago.

It is interesting that in his response to my rejoinder, Haruna, once again, cleverly side-tracked all the issues raised by the Jos crisis. I have therefore been very hesitant in writing again; I am reluctant in engaging in mere sophistry. Given the great challenge we collectively face with the frequency of ethno-religious crises in this country, it is my belief that any media argumentation that does not help in advancing solutions to the crisis is sterile and counter-productive; a cruel entertainment for the credulous. More so, I hate rejoinders that tend to insist on one’s point of view; it is a disguised form of tyranny which erodes the public’s right to form independent opinion.

My only purpose here, therefore, is to point out to the likes of Haruna that journalists have a greater responsibility in stemming the madness that seems to have overtaken this country whereby, at the slightest provocation, neighbors would start slaughtering themselves, than the habitual game of blame sharing. However, I shall first attend to some mischievous slanting of my position by Haruna.

Haruna wrote that: “Ishaku then concluded his piece with a remark which shocked me for the level of personal animosity towards me and a hatred for the Hausa that he must be have harboured deep down his heart all these years.” He then went ahead to quote the proof of this in my article, when I wrote: “This is a man who took Professor Jerry Gana, his fellow Nupe man, to the cleaners for daring to contest the nation’s presidency. The professor’s sin in the eyes of Haruna is that he is a Northern Christian. Had Haruna also been a Hausa (all thanks to the thoughtful father who has ensured that his Nupe identity will never be in doubt), we wonder how further up the notch he would have carried his anti-Middle Belt battle.”

To this I retort: Fiddlesticks! In my rejoinder I drew attention to Haruna’s resort to sloppy logic when he misled the public to believe that Governor Jang masterminded the crisis because of his hatred for the Hausa and Muslims and also that the governor still rues his retirement from the Airforce 18 years ago. I said that Haruna was too intelligent not to recognize this line of argument as sloppy and fraudulent especially against the background of the Jos crisis which was clearly premeditated by criminal elements intend upon plunging the state into crisis with the help of foreign mercenaries.

Now it seems I was too generous with my estimation of him; I never could imagine that he would twist such a straightforward paragraph, quoted above, to ascribe to me a mind-set I do not possess.  There is nothing in this text to deduce or infer hatred for the Hausa or indeed any ethnic group. And I challenge him to come up with the textual analysis of this quotation to prove his inferred innuendo. He certainly can never do so because he is obviously confused as to the actual meaning of the text.

The very next paragraph demonstrates his confusion. He writes: “When a person resorts to abuse it is a sure sign that he knows deep down his argument cannot stand close scrutiny.” Now, come on, what are we expected to make of this? Is he saying that the paragraph conveyed hatred (an attitude) or an abuse (a deed)? He is being ambivalent. Write what you mean, mean what you write (incidentally, the title of my forthcoming book). This shift of premises is disingenuous and I find it unacceptable.

But Haruna’s purpose in making this wild allegation of hatred is not lost on me. It is this same allegation that he initially made against Governor Jang when he ascribed to him “deep hatred for the Hausa/Fulani who are predominantly Muslim” in order to hold (the governor) responsible for what he insubstantially termed “genocide” in Jos. It is a deliberate but cheap ploy to demonize the targets of his venomous pen and instigate opprobrium against them.

Although Haruna promised his readers that he would refute my charge that he is a religious bigot on account of his unprofessional role when he was managing director of the New Nigeria and his bias comments on Prof. Gana, he did nothing of the sort; rather he proceeded to confirm what I wrote.

On the Gana issue, which occupied a better half of his write-up, he merely recited what he had written in a two-part rejoinder to Reverend Father Matthew Hassan Kukah when the later had leveled similar allegations of religious bigotism against about him in 2006. I am yet to fathom how Haruna could assume that by re-producing his argument in his rejoinder to Father Kukah he has sufficiently responded to my own charge.

Haruna’s rejoinder to the priest was titled “Father Kukah’s Misrepresentations.” Now, it is “Jonathan Ishaku’s Misrepresentations.” Shouldn’t it worry Haruna, as a commentator, that he is being misunderstood or misrepresented by a section of his readers? It only means that he is doing something which confounds a section of his readers. Any serious writer would have taken that as a cue to improve his or her communication skills. But if Haruna is lumping me together with the priest for the reason that we both belong to the Christian faith and therefore, a response to one serves the other, then it should be clear enough to him that he needs to acquire inter-communal communication skills in order to be a fair commentator of public affairs in our plural society that includes Christians and people of other faiths than his. 

On the issue of his authorization for publication in the New Nigerian newspaper of the inflammatory advertorial by the so-called “Council of Ulama” in 1987, Haruna did not deny it.

He says: “Ishaku was right that I authorized the publication of the controversial advert but then it was no more incendiary than advertisements and statements that Christian organizations had issued which had been carried by other newspapers including The Standard.”

This tit-for-tat approach, which Haruna appears to be justifying, is a curious invention in the journalism profession; perhaps it is so taught in Columbia School of Journalism. But I know that even as children it was drummed into our heads that two wrongs do not make a right. I can’t imagine a so-called professional journalist defending a wrong on the basis that others were also doing it. The idea is simply appalling especially from somebody charged with running a Federal media organization in a diverse ethnic and religious entity as Nigeria.

This type of reasoning belongs to the lunatic fringe; it is what has helped fueled religious crises in Nigeria – this tit-for-tat. Or as the current musical rave, P-Square, sings: You-do-me, I-do-you, God no go vex. This is a formula for national catastrophe. Is he suggesting, for example, that once hoodlums unleash their bedlam in Kano, a city with an unenviable history of religious motivated killings and intolerance in Nigeria, then reprisal killings of fellow citizens in other Nigerian cities is justified?

For the record, we remember that Christians and non-Hausa have been killed in Kano in the past couple of decades on the flimsiest excuses. It is as if the people take their cue from Kano State government’s zero-tolerance to other religions than Islam. The government regularly demolishes Christian churches with impunity (for example, between April 8 and 22, 2002 seven churches were demolished by the state government, earlier in the same year 122 Christian schools were shut down by government for not including Islamic religious studies in their curriculum; Christian religious studies is banned in government-run schools in Kano State),  riots have broken out in Kano in protest against visiting Christian preachers (1982, 1991), Christians in Kano have been slaughtered on the pretext of protest against American bombing of Afghanistan and Iraq (2001, 2003: in the 2001 episode 600 Christians were reportedly killed, 350 missing and five churches burned. Source: New York Times), Christians were murdered and their property destroyed in Kano by rioters protesting the staging of a Miss World beauty pageant in Abuja (November 2002), and Christians and non-Hausa were killed in their hundreds in the city by rioters protesting a newspaper cartoon published in far away Denmark (March 2006).

If Christians in other parts of Nigeria had reacted with mutual killings of Muslims and Hausa at each of this genocidal rioting in Kano, I doubt whether we will still have a country called Nigeria today.  I am aware that there is a groundswell of opinion that the only deterrence to the Kano menace is reprisal action. This is the type of perverted logic Haruna wants to use to justify his indiscretion of publishing the provocative advertorial in 1987. But then the charge that The Standard was doing so is a lie, else the scrupulous Haruna, to whom no quotation or published document, goes unnoticed would have copiously reproduced his evidence. Secondly, if we are to believe his fabrication that for his efforts he cooled his feet at the State Security Service (SSS) dungeon for four days, I wonder how The Standard, estranged as it were from the centre of power, would have survived the military onslaught had it even wanted to dare. 

In the published version of my rejoinder in the Daily Trust the following paragraphed was yanked off. In it I stated as follows: “However, as I made to go, Mamman drew me aside and whispered to me that I should not allow any publication from the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) in my newspaper. Miffed at this, I reminded him that we at The Standard had amply demonstrated in our reportage that we were not anybody’s megaphone and that our editorial policy was based on the principles of justice, equality and national unity. He retorted that he only wanted to caution me.”

Was this paragraph edited out to allow Haruna make the point that Christian organizations were publishing similarly incendiary “advertisements and statements” in the Standard?

On the contention that he did not benefit from the outrage he caused by this unprofessional conduct in form of membership of the Federal Military Government delegation to Hajj, Haruna did not provide adequate rebuttal apart from claiming that he was detained by the SSS. Since he spent only four days in detention the public would want to know what happened thereafter: Did he go to Hajj that year or not? Who footed his bills?

On the issue of Innocent Oparadike’s ouster from the New Nigeria shortly after the Dodon Barracks meeting, I never said it was because he was Igbo or Christian. Haruna should watch his presumptions and extrapolations. This is what I said: “But to our bewilderment, however, a couple of weeks after that meeting, Mohammed Haruna was named a member of the Federal Government delegation to that year’s Hajj to Saudi Arabia. A few months later both Mr. Oparadike and I have been sacked as editors of our various newspapers. The import was clear; people like Mohammed were never acting alone; they are the cat’s-paw of powerful interests behind ethno-religious crises in Nigeria.”

I wonder why Haruna took the pen to write a rebuttal only to end up agreeing with me. Was it just out of love for polemics? But like I have said the challenge facing journalists in our country today is far more urgent than just providing polemical entertainment. Journalists ought to seriously think about proffering solutions to the many problems that bedevil this nation, most especially the recurrent incidence of ethno-religious strife.

Mr. Ishaku can be reached at jishaku2@yahoo.co.uk                                                                       

ADAMU`S RUSTIC AMNESIA

By Ukandi Idigar

0803261037 email: ukandidigar@yahoo

More thana tale, told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing”, Adamu Adamu’s serialized piece, “Jos and Epidemic Insanity”, is actually a treatise in imprimatur idiocy. Thus, it couldn’t have been more scurrilous and less vulnerable to insipid claims, incontinent pretensions, wild guessing, nightmarish suppositions, barefaced lies, unworkable propositions, doomsday models, and all the silly trappings of a wandering essay.

The first problem Adamu manifested here is rustic amnesia. This accounts for the difficult, faulty, and cursed manner the discourse took off. Intended to be a pedagogy for, and of the “oppressed” Hausa and Fulani population in Jos, the analysis suffered still birth, ab initio as the writer, with reckless abandon, created the impression of a catch-all “epidemic insanity” in Jos. Without really ascertaining the truth of the situation in Plateau, Adamu chose to raise a false alarm about Jos, a place where Adamu’s epidemic insanity” is unheard of because attractions abound.

It is not altogether strange that Adamu stepped out on his dirty mission with the wrong foot. Using a falsehood as caption, the report is basically a catalogue of lies and distortions; and a deliberate misrepresentation of truth to mobilize undeserved sympathy and alms from Adamu’s sponsors and an unsuspecting public.  Adamu himself must be in a fit of dementia to irresponsibly and shamelessly claim and allude to “the advent of a government that would itself be the belligerent party”, and, continuing his mad man’s narrative, state further that the Government of Jonah Jang will “encourage and aid in the mass murder of its own people as a state policy”. The truth is that the government in power in Plateau State anchors its policies and programmes on a Redemption philosophy which is catalyzed in a ten-point agenda in which security of lives and property is a major highlight. And, so far, the government is not only popular, but rated as responsible and focused in its dutiful delivery of democracy dividends and broad-based approach to development. It is not surprising therefore that the Jang administration has become a ready reference point and a standard in public discourse especially when it comes to do with transparency, accountability, and good governance in the different states of the federation. A waspish Adamu is simply desperately attempting to misrepresent what has been crystal-clear, and to impress his platoon members that he has been able to put smear on sepulcher and the garrison can continue in its conceit, dishonest, and dysfunctional elitism.

Another stylistic element in Adamu’s anthology of tissues of lies is ambiguity. In spite of the rapid pace of urbanization and economic development in the state, a disingenuous Adamu identifies a mythical “bunch of sick elites”; even when his own vituperations, false analogies and ill-informed appeal to emotions betray him resplendently as a disoriented elite in search of direction and relevance. Credit goes to the robust elites in Plateau whose leadership and initiatives over the years have sustained the destiny of Jos in particular, and the status and profile of Plateau as the best place to live in Nigerian. For Adamu to identify “a bunch of sick elites” in Plateau sounds like a mad man who, stark naked, accused his caretaker of indecent dressing!

It is in the light of the fore going that Adamu’s attempt to put former governor, Chief Joshua Chibi Dariye and Governor Jonah Jang on collision course died on arrival. As elites, both of them have shunned such efforts at trite contrast of their regimes as capable of slowing down the hand of progress in Plateau. The same Jang is too polished an elite, and with a pedigree far too unblemished to descend into such abysmal uncouthness and uncultured tradition of treating his sallah visitors to a war of words and ‘flaunting of muscles hardened by military training’. The whole encounter between Jang and the Muslim Ulama as reported by Adamu is a fabrication of his own mischievous genius. No body with Jang’s quality of experience and savvy will so brazenly and ill-advisedly unveil his “war” plans to his enemies, especially on the solemn occasion of sallah homage. Adamu and his sponsors completely missed the point here especially as the Muslims in Plateau will admit with evidence and understandable warmth that Jang, since the inception of his administration, has been extending a hand of fellowship to all Muslim faithful as a father of all.

It bears, therefore, to reiterate that Jang has no inclination or policy to “execute (an) ethnic cleansing agenda” as maliciously claimed by Adamu. And the writer apparently took more than his mouth could carry by alleging that by choosing Thursday, November 27, 2008, as Election Day, Jang was being rather precipitous because “there was talk in the air of a trap by Jang and his government for the Hausa-Fulani to fall into”. That “air” certainly did not circulate in Jos and Plateau; or else it was self-immolation for the target victims not to raise alarm but proceeded with bizarre complicity into a known and uncovered death trap. Or can Adamu attribute his story to any creditable source in Jos?

Quite curiously, Adamu went on as a gambler by taking a short excursion into the universal semantics of “genocide” - from Bosnia to our own Rwanda here in Africa. According to him, “ethnic cleansing is that systematic policy of mass killings, forced migration and intimidation, including the removal of all vestiges of the targeted (sic) group through the destruction of their residences, property and places of worship in order to turn ethically mixed areas homogenous, and thereby establishing a de facto claim on ethnic grounds to possession and ownership over disputed territory”. The purpose of this, he contended, “is to get rid of the owners and the issue of ownership will never arise thereafter”. Implicitly, Adamu shot himself on the foot by establishing that there was no – and there has never been - any “genocide” or attempt of it in Jos and Plateau State as a whole.

The events of November 28, as aftermath of Local Government elections merely typified a fracas. Yes; unfortunately however, lives were lost as much as property were destroyed and there was threat to peace and security. But a key element in Adamu’s own definition of genocide was conspicuously out of the question during the unfortunate events: there was no “systematic policy of mass killing” because the government of Jonah Jang is responsible, humane, populist, and makes no pretensions to denigration of humanity through blood letting, suffering, or any acts of terrorism.

 Another ingredient of Adamu’s definition is that of “forced migration”. As aftermath or process of the crisis Jos and Plateau State in general did not experience any “forced migration”. Not even the so-called “Hausa-Fulani” settlers who are fanning the bile and guile of Adamu, and picking his bills, can claim justifiably that there was machinery on ground to force them to migrate. The question therefore becomes: when is genocide? Is it any skirmish that involves the Hausa and Fulani against any other ethnic group?

With the foregoing unavailing in the last Jos crisis, it is rather spurious to expect the other element of Adamu’s definition, of making “ethnically mixed areas homogenous”. Jos is Jos. Which is the area under contention here and which is sought to be homogenized? As at press time, Jos remains home to various ethnic nationalities in Nigeria, including, of course, foreign nationals who appreciate the environment, the people, and their culture and chose to settle here for some legitimate reason. Given this mix of nationalities the sociological tapestry of Jos is unarguably heterogeneous. The question grandstanders like Adamu avoid like a plague is why are the Hausa and Fulani residents the aggressors who are always stoking the fires of discord and commotion?

To answer that question is to also determine the identities of the “466 Muslims killed and buried” as reported by Adamu. The truth is that some of the Hausa and Fulani in Adamu’s class of disoriented buccaneer elites have turned the misadventure and misdirection of some of their miscreant faithful into a high-tech mega business. They exaggerate reports of “ethnic malice” and “persecution” so as to preside over welfare materials and interventionist charity from countries and organizations. That is why some Muslims appropriated Christian victims and corpses, in the last riots into a mosque and forged a picture of worshipping Muslims consumed in a state sponsored pogrom.

It is important to also put it to Adamu that he has actually done a lopsided - and to that extent, poor job of his investigation and reportage. Granted that the 466 corpses Adamu pointed to were Muslims, were they actually of Hausa and Fulani extractions basically?  Apart from the dissimilar Hausa and Fulani Muslims, there are Yoruba Muslims and others of minorities extraction living and practising their faith in Jos. Adamu should note that in the course of the riots, the Hausa and Fulani insurgents unleashed unprecedented mayhem on Yoruba and other Muslims who are not of Hausa and Fulani “puritanity” and “originality”. So, whose “residences” and “places of worship” were destroyed in the Jos “genocide”?

Again, Adamu failed to do justice to all by creating the curious impression that only the Hausa and Fulani died in the crisis and incurred losses in terms of property destroyed and homes wrecked. It is clear that this patent bias was an act of communion to drive the point home that one, there was “genocide” in Jos; and, two, that the Hausa and Fulani settlers were the unmistakable target. As is typical of a riot properly called, there was nothing “systematic” about it because there was stampede everywhere. The inevitable outcome was that casualties reflected the heterogeneous composition of Jos; and some ethnic groups incurred even far more losses than Adamu will report of the “more enterprising and economically well-to-do Hausa-Fulani” settlers.

Adamu claimed that “when Jang’s fake security personnel descended on Tudun Wada Quarters, they killed every one in sight and burnt the entire quarters down”. A very dangerous thing which is obvious here is that Adamu is writing about a place he does not know; and people he only perceives; and, even more precipitately, is reporting the whole events from the comfort of his bedroom. The said Tudun Wada area is about the most densely populated town in Jos. People of diverse backgrounds, of both Christian and Islamic faith live here. The first thing is that Adamu did not attempt an identity of the “fake Jang’s security personnel” several days after their “massacre” and “obliteration” and “routing” of Tudun Wada. If it is agreed that the “fake security personnel” indeed “killed every one in sight” and “burnt the entire quarters down”, it is to say that Jang inevitably ordered the execution of his cherished Christian brethren as well as Muslims and  “Hausa-Fulani” living in Tudun Wada. Secondly, it means that Tudun Wada, following the “invasion” and “massacre”, is now desolate, except the debris of the carnage.

On the contrary, Tudun Wada area of Jos remains as lively and bustling as ever - even after the riots. In spite of the on-going dusk to dawn curfew, it remains a melting pot of social activities - indicating that the residents are happy and live under no threats to their security. Or was Adamu attempting to redefine and re-invent a Jos of his own caprices and prejudices? 

 Ukandi Idigar can be reached on  email: ukandidigar@yahoo.The  article was originally titled imprimatur idiocy                                                                                                                                         

VICTORY FOR YAR`ADUA:HOW SULTAN OF SOKOTO AND EMIR OF KATSINA BROKERED A DEAL     

posted Saturday,Dec.13 ,2008              11:55pm

BY    DANLAMI NMODU

More facts are emerging about the deal that sealed the victory  for President Umaru Musa Yar`Adua.For starters Newsdiaryonline learned that Yar`Adua himself initiated the moves which eventually culminated in a deal agreed  to- either directly or indirectly - by the candidates  in the run-up to the Supreme Court ruling.Atiku Abubakar the presidential candidate of the Action Congress AC and Muhammadu Buhari of the All Nigeria People`s Party ANPP were the opponents the president had to contend with.From all indications, they have been formidable opponents that required  a concerted effort to overcome.But Yar`Adua  was very determined to have his way.This unfolding revelation gives a lie to earlier speculations that  he was ready to step down if the apex ruled against him.From fresh facts available, Yar`Adua never contemplated stepping down.

Actually, sources said Atiku  Abubakar seemed not too difficult for Yar`Adua because they have been closely related.Abubakar has had  a well known political association, with Yar`Adua`s elder  brother the late  Shehu Musa Yar`dua.That relationship has endured even with the entire family.So at a crunch time like this Umaru YarAdua is believed to be tapping into the relationship.But perfecting a deal to ensure Yar`Adua is allowed to hang on to the presidency was not easy.A competent source said it has taken some hard negotiations and round table meetings with some elders from the north.Newsdiaryonline learnt that the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji  Muhammad Saad Abubakar  and the Emir of Katsina Alhaji Abdulmumini Kabir Usman were the ones instrumental to sealing a deal especially with  Muhammadu Buhari who was seen as the most difficult  nut for Yar`Adua to crack

At the end of the negotiations it was agreed that Yar`Adua be allowed to continue in office``it was an agreement among the three candidates ;the reasoning is that no room should be created for any form of anarchy in the country now.So it was agreed at roundtable that YarAdua be allowed to continue`` were the words of an informed source.

Newsdiaryonline gleaned from sources that northern leaders are concerned about losing grip on power and they are determined to ensure all forms of compromise to keep power.A source revealed that one of the issues at  the back of the minds of northern elders now is the well known issue of the president`s illness.Newsdiaryonline sources insist that northern leaders are very concerned about what may happen in case YarAdua dies in power.Though they are not praying for him to die but there is a growing agreement among hawks from the north that Goodluck Jonathan should not be allowed to succeed Yar Adua if he dies in office.It  must however be stated that there are moderate northerners who are also insisting that if the president dies, Goodluck must be allowed to step in as the constitution stipulates.``I will be among the first set of people to campaign for Goodluck Jonathan ``one of such northern activists told newsdiaryonline recently

But those involved in the negotiation to keep YarAdua in office are said to be hoping that he survives till the end of his first term in 2011.An insider told newsdiaryonline that  there has been an agreement among the negotiators that ``If YarAdua does not die, he should be allowed to complete his term``.But the president has insisted he is healthy enough to run the presidency successfully.That must be  encouraging music to the ears of his supporters.

One of the conditions given by all the candidates in the 2007 presidential poll before agreeing to let YarAdua be   is that the next presidential election must be properly conducted.It must be seen to be free and fair and must reflect the popular wish of the people, the candidates told the negotiators.It was also said that President Yar`Adua offered a carrot to the candidates , as he is said to be prepared to offset the campaign bills of the candidates if they so wish.It is not known if any of the candidates accepted the carrot.

Newsdiaryonline learnt that Buhari actually did not  attend what is said to be the round table meetings initiated by Yar`Adua.But after consultations with those believed to be stakeholders ,it was resolved that the Sultan of Sokoto,Alhaji Muhammad Saad Abubakar and the Emir of Katsina, Alhaji Abdulmumini Kabir Usman  should meet with General Buhari.It was not immediately clear if these leaders from the north also met with former Vice President  Abubakar.But  it is well known that Yar`Adua has been in close communication with Abubakar.Although they have political differences, the former vice president has always insisted that his personal relation with YarAdua has been  cordial.

The choice of emissary to Buhari was well thought out.The Sultan is the spiritual head of Nigerian Muslims.In religious and political calculations, the Sultan has remained through history very influential in Nigeria, especially so on political matters.General Buhari also from Katsina State  like president Yar`Adua.It is unlikely for any politician from the North not to listen to the Sultan.And Buhari is most unlikely not to listen to any pleadings from the Emir of Katsina as well.So it was a super choice aimed at giving Yar`Adua instant result .And the strategy worked very well, according to an insider. A prominent member of the Arewa Consultative Forum ACF revealed that ,``these two leaders- Sultan and Emir of Katsina are the ones he (Buhari)respects highly.``He told newdiaryonline that the duo in deed met Buhari and they were really useful in the lobby to sway the candidates for Yar`Adua.

Newsdiaryonline  sources indeed  confirmed that the sultan and the emir eventually held a meeting with Buhari.But Buhari seemed lived up to his billing as a tough man as he was said not to have offered much .The ANPP candidate simply told the sultan and the emir according to a source that ``whatever the elders agreed to do, he would abide by it.``Buhari reportedly added a proviso to his agreement with the elders.He conceded to go along with the northern leaders` decision provided they secure assurances  from Yar`Adua that next time there would be no rigging of elections.

Interestingly, the duo of Abubakar and Buhari have reacted with some measured  anger to the supreme court ruling which gave victory to Yar`Adua.By a margin of 4 to 3, the justices dismissed Buhari`s case.Abubakar`s case suffered the worst defeat as  6 out of the 7 justices ruled against Abubakar.

The former vice president who said he would accept the verdict however launched into political- speak in another breath as he added that the nation has lost an opportunity to entrench democracy.Abubakar`s subtle protest seems strange because he had actually strangely issued a statement practically conceding defeat even before the apex court delivered its verdict.Abubakar`s statement was the first hint that some secret deals might have been perfected ahead of the apex court verdict.General Buhari interesting said having gotten to the supreme court, he would accept the ruling but he added that he would never agree with the verdict.

With  victory in the kitty , president YarAdua is set to travel out of the country.It was learnt that the trip may be christened a holiday or annual leave.But insiders insist it is in deed a medical trip.``I just hope the president this time around will make an official statement saying he is going on a medical trip so as to assure everyone.If he makes it secretive  without  a  statement, that will give rise to speculations again and I think that will be unfortunate `` were the words of an ACF member Saturday  night.He said the president is likely to travel out within the  next one week if things go according to plans.                                                                                                         

YAR`ADUA SACKS YAR`ADUA

Posted Tuesday Jan.13, 2009

President Umaru Musa Yar`Adua has sacked the Group Managing Director of Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation ,NNPC, Alhaji Abubakar Yar`Adua.The sacked GMD was appointed after the president ascended the presidency in 2007.

Already, a new GMD has equally been appointed.He is Mohammed Sanusi Barkindo.The new GMD is believed to be a confidant and some would even say crony -of Dr Rilwan Lukman who was also recently reappointed the Petroleum affairs minister.

This shakeup in the nation`s cash-cow came in a day the president also reconstituted his economic team.It goes without saying that the nation`s overdependence on oil may turn out to be a major mistake in the light of the new global situation especially the increasing move by developed countries  to seek alternative energy sources.Even the instability in the oil market makes diversification of the economy more compelling.                           

 

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