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The President’s
single-term bill
By
Mohammed Haruna Newsdiaryonline Tue
Aug 9,2011

The first
time I heard the speculation about the now controversial
putative bill of President Goodluck Jonathan to replace the
current constitutional two-term limit for the executive arm of
government with a single term of six or seven years, I was
tempted to dismiss it as idle. With all the problems in the
country of so much insecurity, potential labour unrest over
minimum wage, lousy infrastructure – you name it – facing the
man, I thought the least of his concerns should be any type of
tenure.
I was tempted
to dismiss the speculation as idle not merely because I thought
it was a diversion the president should know he could
ill-afford. My temptation was the more difficult to resist
because the deal that was supposed to help the president get his
bill through the National Assembly could hardly be more
narrow-minded and probably futile; in return for getting the
bill passed by the legislators, my source said, the Senate
president, David Mark, was promised the ruling party’s
presidential ticket for the 2015 elections.
The Senate
president, I told myself, would have been foolish to believe
such a promise if only because of the high expectations by the
South-East, not, of course, without a wink from the presidency,
that it will be its turn to produce the country’s president in
2015. And anyone who knows Mark knows that they don’t come any
smarter than he is even if there’s no telling what the promise
of power can do to one’s sense of judgement.
I resisted
the temptation to dismiss the President Jonathan’s single term
bill as idle because my source, a one-man mafia of sorts if ever
there was one, has never been given to idle talk. Even then I
could not swallow his story hook, line and sinker. Even for the
one-man mafia that my source was, I thought his story needed at
least a pinch of salt before it could be nibbled at.
My agony about how much
salt I needed to apply to the story before nibbling at it ended
on July 26 when Dr. Reuben Abati, the president’s spokesman,
issued a statement that his principal was indeed considering
such an executive bill. The possible intrigue, if you may,
behind the bill may sound incredulous, but in spite of his
overflowing tray the president obviously believed he had enough
idle time on his hands to seek a constitutional amendment to the
current two-term limit for the president and State governors.
Predictably
the proposed bill has come under near-universal attack, largely
because most critics think it is former president, Chief
Olusegun Obasanjo’s thoroughly discredited “Third Term” project
all over again.
The bill
raises at least two questions, namely, its merit and, of course,
whether it is self-serving of the president.
Naturally,
the president and his sympathisers and courtiers think it is
unfair, if not downright cynical, to accuse the man of
self-service for merely proposing such a bill, especially when
the man himself has stated categorically that he will not
benefit from it.
Even some of
the president’s long standing critics think it is unfair to
dismiss the bill out of hand as self-serving.
Thisday’s editor and
well-regarded columnist, Simon Kolawole, for one, says, albeit
with a rider, that it is wrong to dismiss the bill out of hand
purely on grounds of suspicions that the president wants to use
it to elongate his tenure. “I honestly cannot see the link
between third term and single term, but this is Nigeria.
Anything can happen.” (Thisday,
July 31).
For someone
who says he believes in Nigeria anything can happen I am
surprised that Kolawole would not only criticize critics of the
bill as being unfair. I am even more surprised that he would
dismiss such critics as “incurable” cynics. “I believe,” he
said, “it smacks of incurable cynicism to tear a proposal apart
before seeing it.”
If Nigerians
have become incurable cynics, we all know that it is essentially
the leadership that is to blame because it hardly ever means
what it says or says what it means. And you need no more than
the president’s own flagrant repudiation of his party’s zoning
and power rotation agreement only last year to prove the
leadership’s culpability of behaving with impunity.
I am sure
Kolawole and those like him who think those who disagree with
the president over his bill are merely being cynical would agree
with me that in a country like Nigeria, where, as Kolawole
himself says, anything goes, people are more than justified to
be cynical of anything their leaders do or say.
In this
particular case there’s even more basis for cynicism. For one,
the president’s rather disingenuous attempt at distancing
himself from the proposal by claiming the idea was not
originally his own once it came under widespread public attack
could hardly inspire public faith in his credibility and
integrity. For another, the president and his spokesman seem to
be at odds on the extent of the president’s consultations before
he made his intention public.
The
president, according to
Thisday (July 29), told a meeting of his party’s National
Executive Council in Abuja the day before that he has not done
sufficient consultation to knock the bill into the final shape
that he will present to the National Assembly. “Before I take
any decision,” Thisday
quoted him as saying, “I ask people...I have not consulted with
governors. I have never. Though as individuals probably I have
mentioned it to one or two. Even the leadership of the party and
the National Assembly...I have not done that level of
consultation.”
However,
whereas the president says he has not consulted widely on the
bill his spokesman told the Presidential press corps during a
subsequent briefing that his principal has. “This,” Dr Abati
said, “is not a new issue for us as Nigerians, or in terms of
Mr. President talking about this issue, I believe that he has
consulted widely.”
Between Dr.
Abati and his principal I am inclined to believe the doctor. The
president may not have consulted widely but obviously he must’ve
believed he had done so enough to have made his intentions
public. The man himself says he did so because he heard people
were already not only associating rumours about the bill with
Obasanjo’s Third Term agenda. People, he said, were also meeting
against it. “When,” he said, “we got to know that people were
holding meetings, we said no, no, no, clarify this.”
You do not
and cannot clarify a proposal that is not in good enough shape
and has sufficient content for public contemplation. The devil,
as they say, may be in the detail, but if the basic elements
were not in place the president would not have asked his
spokesman to make it public.
The fact is
that the basic elements of the president’s single term bill lack
merit. Our four yearly elections, as he said, may have been too
expensive and they may have bred too much acrimony. However,
there is nothing inherent about these in the current system.
Rather the problem is the bad faith of politicians and no amount
of constitutional amendment will solve that problem.
As for the
argument that four years is not enough to make a difference, you
only need to remember General Murtala Mohammed’s six-month
military presidency to debunk the argument. Besides if longevity
of tenure is enough to make a difference or a condition for
making a difference, all those countries of the world with sit
tight leaders would have been heavens on earth. But we all know,
don’t we, that most of them are hells on earth.
The simple
truth is that President Jonathan’s single term bill lacks merit,
never mind the cynicism it rightly attracts, and one cannot
agree more with Thisday’s
editorial of July 31 that the man would occupy himself more
usefully as president if he rests it.
The Christian clergy and Islamic banking
-By Mohammed Haruna
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